BDI’s issued fatwa was a response to a question sent to them regarding the permissibility of Muslim women traveling alone. The BDI cited four (4) grounds for their fatwa:

1) Women are not obligated to earn for their families (hence, no need to travel alone for work);

2) Two Hadith collections (Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim) prohibit it;

3) Potential harms from travel and

4) Negative experiences of women abroad.

When BDI publicized this fatwa on its Facebook page on April 21, local media picked it up immediately, prompting mixed reactions. As a result, the BDI held a Facebook livestream a week later, supposedly to provide a more in-depth understanding of the said fatwa.

During the livestream, the religious resource speakers clarified that the prohibition for women to travel alone pertains most especially to long-haul journeys spanning to a day. Moreover, they answered several other questions about the fatwa, including its flexibilities and other conditions. Which, if all had been cited alongside the release of the fatwa itself, could have saved BDI from unwarranted attention, avoided confusion before it arose, and prevented Islam from misinterpretation it has already undergone (and been undergoing) for years in the predominantly Christian Philippine society, which the BDI is well aware of.

When I learned that the BDI would be conducting the livestream for the aforementioned purpose, I had hoped a female Islamic scholar would be there to provide nuance to the fatwa in cognizance of today’s context and socio-economic realities, such as not all Muslim women have male guardians to provide for them, so they become the providers themselves. While the male resource speakers had briefly touched on this specific situation, a female perspective on this female lived experience would have been more authentic. The whole livestream could also have been more accessible to the Bangsamoro community and the public at large if the language used throughout hadn’t been mostly limited to Maguindanaon. In that way, the goal to laymanize the fatwa could have been better achieved.

Mainly, the livestream was a reiteration of BDI’s grounds for the fatwa, and their concessions in situations raised during the said livestream where women traveling or migrating alone couldn’t be avoided (e.g., studying in Madrasah). They also affirmed that the hikmah (wisdom) behind prohibiting women from traveling alone boils down to concern for women’s safety.

Are Muslim Women Only Entitled to Safety?

Reading and listening to how the esteemed Bangsamoro Darul-Ifta’ justified their fatwa restricting Muslim women from traveling without a mahram feels as if we women are treated more as plausible cautionary tales than as individuals genuinely cared for. The fatwa, in an attempt to prevent women from entering unfortunate circumstances and being reduced to sad headlines, while appreciated, is a mere band-aid solution if there are no active efforts to address the root causes of these dangers.

Our men in power, with their resources and influence, could rather work towards a just, safe, and nurturing society where their women counterparts and the broader women’s population, especially the younger generation, can contribute to Bangsamoro’s betterment. But that will be harder to achieve if Muslim women’s travels are restricted.

One of the justifications of BDI’s fatwa is that Muslim women are not obliged to provide sustenance for their families (hence, no need to travel alone, in this case, for work) since this is the responsibility of their menfolk. Any financial contribution she makes should be voluntary and can be considered a charity or gift, not a duty. Indeed, to be provided for by her male guardians is a right of every Muslim woman. So, how appalling is it that our own rights are weaponized to curtail us?

On Socio-Economic Participation and Contributions

According to a snapshot of women in Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA), 924 of 2,026 total employees are women, reflecting the participation of women in public service, including legislative committees and women Members of the Parliament (MP) playing strategic roles, contributing to key committees such as Finance, Education, Indigenous Peoples’ Affairs, Accounts, and the Committee on Women, Youth, Children, and Persons with Disabilities. 

True enough, meaningful participation of Bangsamoro women extends far beyond the confines of their homes and is a key to genuine peacebuilding in the region. Allowing Muslim women to travel regardless of distance or whether or not accompanied by their mahram is crucial for their independence, empowerment, and participation in society, especially in Bangsamoro society today, a fruition of the struggle of both Bangsamoro men and women.

Furthermore, the fatwa in question fundamentally affects the mainstreaming of the to-be enacted Bangsamoro Gender and Development (GAD) Code and directly contravenes the spirit of the  Magna Carta for Women (R.A. No. 9710), which promotes the human rights of women in the Philippines.

On the Hadith

The Hadith used as a reference by the Bangsamoro Darul-Ifta’ to justify prohibiting women from traveling alone, especially over long distances, was uttered by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) during a time of social turmoil, the subsequent fragmentation of the Islamic world, and the difficulty of long-distance travel of his time.

With these, I’d like to cite a Hadith that’s widely interpreted as one of the Prophet’s (PBUH) prophecies on the widespread of Islam, and the possible security of women traveling even without their mahram.

It is narrated by ‘Adiy bin Hatim that the Prophet (PBUH) said: If you live a long life, you will see a woman travelling from Hirah (Iraq) to perform tawaf (in Mecca), fearing no one except Allah (Al-Bukhari 3595).

There might be more to explore in the context and rationale of the Islamic principles and sources cited in this piece. Similarly, more adaptable and flexible fatwas from other Muslim-majority countries on the same issue of women traveling without their mahram could also be taken into account. But generally, writing this piece, I wish to contribute to the goal of progressing women’s rights within the Islamic framework, especially in the Bangsamoro region today, where the line between protecting and restricting women gets blurred. Because while harm can be unpredictable and the concern for women’s wellbeing is utmost, it should still, not in any way, cost her rights and mobility at the end of the day.

Allahu’alam (Allah Subhunahu Wa Ta’ala knows best).

When we talk about progress across generations, it is easy to think that society has only recently changed. You might nod as you see women and girls today quietly challenge old systems. Some are the first in their bloodline to choose independence as default rather than exception. Others are the first to view marriage as a choice rather than a requirement. Some are the first to be honest about who they are or to stop romanticizing their parents’ struggles. Some are the first in their families to live life on their own terms. But this shift did not happen overnight. It took many generations, often in ways that were hard to see but always present. Our generation moves differently today because the women before us changed the path long before we even started walking on it. As I thought about this, I kept coming back to a certain group of women who greatly reshaped Philippine society.

Women as Reformers and Educators

Women in politics have shown us the importance of civility, respect for differences, and decision-making that draws on different perspectives, and the late Senator Santanina Tillah Rasul showed us that. She was one of the prominent Moro women who dedicated her life to literacy, peace, development, and women’s rights. She served in several government roles, representing Muslims and cultural minorities. These included serving as Commissioner of the National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW) from 1976 to 1985; serving as UNESCO Honorary Ambassador in 1990; serving at the UNESCO Philippine Commission from 1986 to 1989; and serving as a member on the Textbook Board at the Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports in 1986. She was the first and only Muslim woman to serve in the Philippine Senate and the first Muslim to be reelected, serving from 1992 to 1995. Senator Santanina also authored several landmark laws, such as R.A. 7192, which ended gender discrimination, allowed women to enter the Philippine Military Academy, and provided funding for women in all government agencies. Other laws she helped pass include R.A. No. 6850, which grants civil service eligibility to government employees with at least 7 years of service, and R.A. 7168, which converted the Philippine Normal College into a State University to be known as the Philippine Normal University. Not many may know this, but it was Santanina Rasul who sponsored R.A. 6949, which declared March 8 as National Women’s Day, later expanded into a month-long celebration of empowerment and gender equality. Even after her tenure in the Senate, Santanina Rasul continued her lifelong mission to combat illiteracy through the Magbasa Kita Foundation, a program she spearheaded to uplift communities in Mindanao.

Education for all was also Bai Hadja Fatima Matabay Plang’s advocacy. She established the Mindanao Institute of Technology (MIT), now known as the University of Southern Mindanao (USM), in 1951. Today, the university is recognized as one of the country’s leading schools for agricultural education. More than 20 years after her passing in 1984, the two schools she started continue to serve as centers of excellence, giving many students from low-income families the chance to pursue their dreams and improve their lives through education. Just like Santanina Rasul, Bai Hadja devoted her entire life to helping others by expanding access to education, especially in rural communities.

There was also the late Senator Leticia Ramos-Shahani, who made a major impact on Philippine laws, especially in supporting and protecting women. She helped shape the global women’s agenda when she served as the first representative (1967-1975), then later became Chair (1986-198) of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UN CSW). As the former Chair of the National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW), Leticia Shahani contributed to drafting the Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1967. The NCRFW was renamed as the Philippine Commission on Women under R.A. 9710, or the Magna Carta of Women, in 2009. This declaration laid the foundation for the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), recognized as the international bill of rights for women. Leticia Shahani authored several laws, including R.A. 6725, the “Strengthening the Prohibition of Discrimination Against Women in the Workplace”; R.A. 8353, the “Anti-Rape Law of 1997”; and R.A. 8505, the “Rape Victim Assistance and Protection Act of 1998.” She championed the Gender and Development (GAD) Budget Policy, which stipulates that at least 5% of each government agency’s total budget be allocated to advancing women’s rights and gender equality. As a diplomat and legislator, late Senator Shahani’s influence reached beyond the Philippines when she led the 1985 World Conference on Women in Nairobi, making her an important leader in shaping gender equality policies and fighting gender-based violence.

Women as Mediators

When conflict arises, women and young girls are often the most at risk of gender-based violence. Yet, people sometimes overlook the important role women play in resolving conflicts. Women draw upon their interpersonal skills and knowledge of customary norms to facilitate dialogue. One of the many great examples of women mediators is the late Princess Tarhata Alonto-Lucman. She was known as a “rido settler,” helping to settle clan disputes. Princess Tarhata believed so deeply in interfaith dialogue and peace that she worked to build stronger relationships between Muslims and Christians, reaching beyond her own community. In 1971, she became the first Muslim woman to serve as provincial governor of Lanao del Sur. She was one of the Moro leaders who stood up to the Marcos dictatorship and helped the release of the kidnapped Filipino Carmelite nuns and an American Protestant missionary in Marawi City in 1986. Through her bravery and commitment to peace, Tarhata was the last woman among Mindanao’s post-war leaders who promoted alliance politics and a collective way of life that helped the Moro people survive government neglect, civil war, and ongoing economic hardship.

Women as Brave Leaders

Women’s impact on history goes far beyond well-known Filipina revolutionaries. Women have always led in homes, communities, non-profits, and businesses, often guiding their people. One example is Princess Hadja Tarhata Kiram, the first Filipina Muslim leader. During her time, the colonial government wanted to educate these Muslim youth to become the next generation of Moro leaders who would help “civilize” their fellow Muslims in the southern islands. Consequently, she was chosen as a pensionado and sent to the United States in 1920, along with Carmen Aguinaldo, the daughter of former President Emilio Aguinaldo. After finishing her studies at the State University of Illinois, she returned to Sulu and became a strong advocate for Muslims. She wrote an editorial for the Los Angeles Times about the uprising and her involvement. Kiram also worked with the late Senator Hadji Butu Rasul, Chief Minister to the Sultan of Sulu and the great-grandfather of the late Ambassador Abraham Rasul Sr. (Santanina Rasul’s husband), to oppose efforts to exclude the Sulu archipelago from Mindanao. In 1984, the National Historical Institute placed a marker in her hometown of Jolo to honor her lifelong dedication to Muslim Filipinos.

Remembering the Women Before Us

The struggle for equality has taken a long time. The independence that many women have now came about through actions that were often uncomfortable, unconventional, or even risky. Womanhood is not only about being gentle and caring; it often involves great sacrifice. Women pay a gender tax just to live. Society often praises these sacrifices without asking why women are always the ones expected to give so much. The quiet labor of survival and participation is always gendered, and people call it love so they do not have to call it injustice. 

Women lead differently, and that difference is exactly what our world needs now if we want to heal the damage being done in society. The courage of women in seeking freedom and agency is not new, and we inherit it from those who came before us. So in this Women’s Month celebration, may we not forget the struggles of women in our history, including indigenous women.

March 11, 2026 – Many might say that the rise in petrol prices is only a car-owner’s problem. Little did many know that many aspects of our daily lives depend on petrol. From commuting to and from work to deliveries of goods, everyone is affected by it. It’s funny how we think petrol only matters when we’re filling up a car. In reality, it’s like a hidden cost woven into the price tag of almost everything we buy.

Commuters’ Reality

I ride public transportation most days of the week. It’s cheaper. But with the significant rise in petrol prices, I fear that the fare for public transport would also increase. It’s a domino effect I have seen every time there is a price hike, and I can already see the possibility. I used to ignore the prices in a gasoline station until I realized that those figures are the silent factors of my daily budget.

It starts with a few extra pesos or cents added to the “minimum fare.” While it seems small per trip, it compounds into hundreds by the end of the month. High fuel costs don’t just make rides more expensive; they make them rarer. When drivers can’t afford to keep their vehicles on the road, the “cheap” option suddenly costs me an extra 30 minutes of standing in line. Lastly, even if I walk to the market to save on fare, I’m still paying for petrol. The vendor at the wet market has to pay more for the delivery truck that brought the vegetables from the farm. In the end, I’m “eating” the fuel hike with every meal.

As of March 9, 2026, the Department of Energy, with guidance from the National Government, imposed nationwide price ceilings for petrol products. This move, according to the department, is to protect consumers from potential exploitation in supplies amid the crisis in the Middle East. The directive applies to all retail outlets, including – including both company-owned and dealer-operated stations.

Honestly, I do not fully understand how this directive ensures fair pricing – especially for regular Filipinos – but I hope it will not compromise the people’s access to basic necessities. While a price limit helps for now, it is just a bandage. We need a plan that ensures we can still afford basic needs even when global prices shift.

Filipino Resilience

Filipinos are known for being resilient. We are a master of flexibility in crisis situations. We have a habit of romanticizing our ability to endure. We find humor in the struggle and call it strength. But when the cost of a basic commute competes with the cost of a kilo of rice, resilience starts to feel a lot like exhaustion.

For some, resilience looks like skipping the morning coffee to cover the fare hike, or walking the last two kilometers to save ten pesos. We also developed the “pasa-buy” culture where neighbors or friends pool their resources to minimize expenses. For keyboard warriors, resilience hides behind “memes” and those funny videos and commentaries.

Moving Ahead

This is a Thanos-like effect – it’s inevitable. One snap, one major crisis and everything will change. Whether we are behind the wheel or gripping a handrail, the rising cost of fuel is a weight we all carry. While the price ceilings offer a temporary wall for the fire, the long-term solution lies in a transport and economic system that doesn’t leave the most vulnerable at the mercy of a global ticker.

Filipinos have always found a way to keep moving, but resilience is often exploited by people in power. We must demand good governance even in economic crisis situations. My hope is that in the coming months (or years), people in power bring more than just controlled prices. I hope that our leaders will have a sense of stability to plan for long-term solutions,  rather than putting another band-aid.

“All for Gas” should not mean sacrificing our basic comforts just to keep the country running. Instead, we must work toward a future where “Gas for All” means an economy that is accessible, fair, and, most importantly, humane. We are all passengers on this journey, and it’s about time the road was made a little smoother for everyone.

Quezon City Rep. Bong Suntay’s recent inappropriate remarks about actress Anne Curtis are yet another example of how women are often not seen as people. During a House committee on justice hearing, he argued that Vice President Sara Duterte’s threat against President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. cannot be made an impeachable offense. To illustrate his argument, Suntay then drew an “analogy” involving his own sexual fantasies toward the actress upon seeing her in person, insisting that since such thoughts exist only in his imagination, he cannot be charged for them. Following this, while some celebrities, netizens, and politicians condemned Suntay’s behavior, others came to his defense. For example, controversial lawyer Ferdinand Topacio, who once proclaimed his admiration for fascist dictator Adolf Hitler, defended the congressman during his radio program. In defense of Suntay’s backlash, Topacio lashed out at Jasmine Curtis and Gabriela Women’s Party Rep. Sarah Elago for defending Anne Curtis, blaming the women for “enticing” with the way they dress online. Topacio rationalized his remarks with the notion that men are “wired” to have sexual desires, while confessing his desire to Elago.

Here’s the thing: one of the biggest problems with many lawmakers is their lack of understanding of the very laws they are meant to uphold. Too often, they make questionable statements with absolute confidence, while those around them laugh it off as if it’s just another ordinary day. We see them commit heinous acts and walk away with little more than a slap on the wrist. If a so-called ‘honorable’ congressman believes such remarks are acceptable in the halls of Congress, one can only imagine the private conversations that occur when women are not present. It is deeply troubling that we are expected to address these officials as ‘honorable,’ a title that should be reserved for those who act with genuine integrity and respect, not for those who behave disrespectfully, dishonestly, or abusively.

Both Bong Suntay’s and Ferdinand Topacio’s statements should not be mistaken as ‘compliments’ or harmless admiration. Rather, they reinforce evidence of gender-based sexual harassment as defined under RA No. 11313, also known as the Safe Spaces Act (Bawal Bastos Law), or RA No. 9710, also known as the Magna Carta of Women, or RA No. 6713, otherwise known as the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees. 

Public figures who do not hold themselves accountable exemplify how those in positions of power often embody authoritarian politics that fuel the current rise of fascism. While it is true that society has made significant progress in fighting for women’s rights and welfare, there is still a need to deconstruct the systemic levels of misogyny that exclude women, label them as inferior, silence their voices, and even persuade them to defend the very system that oppresses them. 

Their statements are violations not just against Anne Curtis but against all women who have felt threatened or unsafe by the reckless language of those in power. As we celebrate National Women’s Month, let us remember that a woman’s dignity is not defined by men’s desires or by callous remarks. It is a fundamental human right that must never be trampled upon, especially by lawmakers entrusted with upholding justice.

Ramadan is one of the holiest and most transformative months for Muslims. This practice begins with a fasting period and ends with the sighting of the new moon. But beyond the religious prescription, the holy month provides a period for deep reflection and personal growth for those who truly embrace its message. 

How Ramadan Starts

The start of Ramadan is primarily determined by the sighting of the new crescent moon. Here’s something that might surprise you: the crescent moon was not used as an Islamic symbol in the early years of the religion. Islam didn’t have symbols and generally avoided aniconism to prevent anything that might look like idolatry. Mosques and Islamic art instead focused on calligraphy and geometric designs. So how did we get here? This is because the Ottoman Empire started placing crescents on everything that the symbol had completed its journey from an ancient moon-god emblem to a universal symbol of Islamic identity.

On February 17, 2026, the official moon-sighting groups in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region announced that Ramadan would begin in the Philippines on February 19. Since the exact date depends on when the moon is actually seen, it can vary by place and may differ by a day between countries. Surprisingly, the Lunar New Year, Ramadan, and Lent all began within a few days of each other this February, in such a rare occurrence!

The Holy Month of Ramadan

When the first revelations of the Qur’an were received by the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him), Ramadan became a period for Muslims who fast from dawn to dusk. But it is more than just not eating during the day; it’s a whole month of discipline and developing taqwa (awareness of God) through observing the nightly Taraweeh prayers and reading the Qur’an.

One of the most beautiful things about Ramadan is that it is open for people of other faiths to join during the breaking of the fast. As a month dedicated to generosity and compassion, it is a meaningful time to share blessings with the hungry and less fortunate. 

Fasting Across Beliefs

There are different ways of fasting among religions. When you look at Judaism, Jews fast for about 25 hours from sunset to sunset during the Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement). Believers focus on praying and repentance. Even in the most mundane of things, like wearing leather shoes, they must show humility and avoid luxury. 

And just like the Jews, Christians fast in a way that humbles themselves by giving up material or physical things to renew their faith. It is really a time to reflect and grow closer to God. On the other hand, Evangelical Christianity sees fasting as a private time to connect with the divine force of God (Holy Spirit). 

There is something so profound about how fasting isn’t just about skipping meals. Whether it’s for religious reasons or personal growth, it quietly challenges the loud and busy world’s obsession with always wanting more. It shows us that we don’t live by bread alone, but by our character, kindness, and connection to the divine.

Ramadan is a gift of infinite mercy. Its meaningful impact should not end with the disappearance of the moon crescent but should shine through every person’s character and soul all year round. As we celebrate the month of Ramadan, may we set aside our distractions and nurture a sense of discipline and good purpose that lasts long. Let us remind ourselves to be more empathetic, humble, and mindful of those who need help and care.

February 22, 2026 – Long before the modern borders of the Philippines were etched in stone, a young man named Abd ul-Bagui Butu Rasul walked the shores of Jolo, carrying a lineage that stretched back to the 14th-century ministers of Raja Baginda. Born in 1865, the man who would become known as Hadji Butu was destined for more than just local prominence. By the age of sixteen, his sharp intellect and deep Islamic education propelled him to the role of Chief Minister to the Sultan of Sulu. He was a master of the “long game,” navigating the treacherous waters of a sultanate torn between internal power struggles and the encroaching shadow of Spanish colonial rule.

As powers shifted from Spanish to American rules, Hadji Butu remained a constant, grounding force. He was a diplomat who understood that while military government was obeyed through fear, civil government is obeyed through love. Whether he was negotiating the Kiram-Bates Treaty or serving as an assistant to legendary figures like General Leonard Wood and John Pershing – the one appointed him as the Deputy District Governor of Sulu in 1913. His goal was simple: to preserve the dignity of the Moro people while weaving their destiny into the broader fabric of a rising Philippine nation.

In 1916, Hadji Butu became the first Muslim Filipino to sit in the Philippine Senate. He wasn’t just a symbolic figurehead. He was a visionary, who originally advocated for the creation of the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) and the Naval Academy, believing that a nation’s strength lay in its ability to defend itself. He stood side by side with his Christian brothers in the fight for independence, famously declaring that they were all bound by a common tie and a shared ideal for the welfare of the Philippines. His voice was one of the few that bridged the deep cultural divides of the archipelago, proving that faith and Philippine identity could walk hand in hand.

Even in his final years, his mind remained dedicated to the soul of the country. In 1937, President Manuel Quezon appointed him to the Institute of National Language to help define a unified tongue for the diverse people of the Philippines. When Hadji Butu passed away on February 22, 1937, he left behind a legacy that was much more than a list of titles. He was a noble man, a historian, a peacebuilder, and a real patriot who spent many years proving that the heart of the South beat in perfect rhythm with the Philippines as a whole.

In a significant development, PCID commenced its crucial role as the Local Knowledge Partner (LKP) in GCERF’s Philippines Programming, leading the charge in fortifying Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) Systems, conducting thorough Program Assessments, and spearheading avant-garde Research in the domain of Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (PCVE).

The journey began on January 4, 2024, when PCID initiated the planning phase aimed at strengthening GCERF grantees’ M&E tools. Collaborating in this initial planning effort was the Center for Local and Regional Governance (CLRG) of the University of the Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance (UP-NCPAG).

Recalling the pivotal moment on December 29, 2023, PCID officially inked a contract with the Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund (GCERF), solidifying its role as the LKP in GCERF’s Philippines Programming. This strategic partnership focuses on enhancing M&E systems, assessing programs comprehensively, and undertaking research related to PCVE.

The LKP, comprising PCID and CLRG, embarked on a mission to assess and fortify the M&E systems of GCERF grantees. This involved an in-depth review of each grantee’s existing systems, encompassing design, data collection methods, indicators, and reporting processes. Notably, the LKP aims to provide actionable recommendations to empower grantees in improving their M&E capacity, aligning with OECD DAC evaluation criteria and introducing additional criteria, such as those outlined by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP).

Subsequent to the initial planning phase, on January 11, 2024, PCID and CLRG participated in a Turnover Meeting with Action for Poverty Innovations (IPA), a former LKP of GCERF. In this meeting, essential baseline data was gathered to strengthen the M&E systems of GCERF grantees.

In a recent development on January 17, 2024, PCID and CLRG were formally introduced by GCERF to its grantees. During this meeting, PCID and CLRG obtained foundational data from the grantees, and the collaborative effort is ongoing as they continue to coordinate with GCERF grantees to gather more comprehensive data on project implementations. The unfolding partnership promises to be a dynamic force in advancing the impact and effectiveness of GCERF’s initiatives in the Philippines.

Mga Pangkasalukuyang Isyu sa Daigdig ng Islam

ISLAM AT  PAG-AASAWA NG MAGKAKAIBANG PANANAMPALATAYA

Paunang salita

Ang seryeng Pangkasalukuyang Isyu sa Daigdig ng Islam ay isinilang sa panahon ng kaguluhan at pagkabalisa, kasama pa ang muling pagbangon ng Islam noong dekada 70 na nagbubunga ngayon ng karahasan dulot ng Al-Qaeda at Jemaah Islamiya (JI). Mistulang nakatagpo ng balidong pagpapahayag ang marubdob na pananampalataya sa pamamagitan ng mga suicide bombing at kaguluhan ng madla o mob violence, at marahil, ang pinakatanyag na imahen ng Islam sa mundo ngayon, ang mga galit na demonstrador na may mga plakard na sumisigaw ng panawagan ng lalo pang pagdanak ng dugo na nakita natin matapos ang pagkakalathala ng mga cartoon ni Propeta Muhammad sa Denmark, at ng kaguluhan noong pangaral sa Pananampalataya at Katwiran ni Pope Benedict XVI sa University of Regensburg.

Sa Malaysia at Indonesia, ang mga puwersa ng konserbatibong pananampalataya o religious conservatism ay nagtangka, na may iba’t ibang lebel ng tagumpay, na isali ang pagkontrol ng estado sa kanilang mga Islamist agenda. Noong 2005, ang Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) ay nag-isyu ng fatwa (religious edict o kautusan) na nagdedeklarang heretikal na paniniwala o heretical ideologies at walang puwang sa Islam ang pluralismo, sekularismo at liberalismo. Sa Malaysia, sinalubong ng malawakang rali at pananakot ng mga Islamist na tumututol sa interfaith at intercultural na diyalogo ang mga pampublikong porum na inorganisa ng Article 11 Coalition noong 2006 na may layuning palaganapin ang kamulatan para sa Federal Constitution at ang mga proteksiyon at pananagutan sa ilalim nito bilang pinakamakapangyarihang batas ng bansa. Ang mga pampublikong porum na ito na tumatalakay sa kalayaan sa pananamapalataya o freedom of religion ay naglalaman, ayon sa pananaw ng mga Islamist,ng banta para sa Islam at sa mga Muslim. Sa halip na proteksiyunan mula sa banta ng karahasan ang mga nag-organisa ng mga porum ng Article 11,  ipinag-utos ng gobyerno ang pagpapatigil sa mga porum kaya nagsilbing tagumpay ito sa puwersa ng Islamism sa kanilang kampanya laban sa kalayaan sa pagpapahayag at sa kapangyarihan ng batas o rule of law. Ipinamahagi ang larawan na nagsasabing taksil at dapat mamatay ang human rights lawyer at pangunahing kasapi ng Article 11 Coalition na si Malik Imtiaz Sarwar. Hindi yata’t may mga Muslim sa Malaysia na naniniwalang gawaing moral ang panawagan sa kamatayan.

Habang inilalathala ang mga babasahing ito sa orihinal na bersiyon, napag-alaman ng mga Malaysian na mayroong 18 aklat ang ipinagbawal ng Internal Security Ministry para sa diumano’y interes ng ‘public order’ o kaayusan. Kasama sa listahan ng mga ipinagbabawal na aklat ang What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam ni John Esposito, at The Battle for God: Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam ni Karen Armstrong. Ang pagbabawal sa mga aklat na ito ay lalo lamang nagpalaganap sa imahen ng Islam bilang isang intolerant o sarado at mapaniil na relihiyon.

Ang paglalathala ng seryeng ito ay isang pagtatangkang itanghal ang ‘nalinawan’ o enlightened na aspekto ng Islam kasama na, gaano man kaliit, ang dimensiyon nitong humanitarian . Kinikilala din na hindi dapat isisi sa relihiyon ang mga kaguluhang nagaganap dahil sa ngalan nito. Para sa mga mangmang at may saradong pagiisip, isang madaling kasangkapan lamang ang relihiyon para isulong ang isang layunin. Sa likod ng mga pagkamuhi at karahasan na naipapahayag sa mga retorikang pangrelihiyon ay makikita ang mga sosyal, politikal at pang-ekonomiyang kadahilanan ng mga kaguuhan.

Habang kailangang ituloy ang mga diyalogo at kooperasyon sa pagitan ng mga mauunlad at mahihirap na bansa upang hindi magdulot ng lalong tensyon at kaguluhan, kailangan ding balikan, unawain at suriin ang mga sariling tradisyon at pagtataya, lalo na sa kasalukuyang panahon, sa usapin ng pananampalatayang panrelihiyon. Ang internal na pagsisiyasat na ito ang nais pasukin ng serye ng babasahing ito.

Gayunman, hindi ninanais ng seryeng ito na magbigay ng ganap na solusyon na lulutas sa mga usaping itinatanghal nito . Ang isa sa mga saligan ng seryeng ito ay ang paghikayat at pagrespeto sa iba’t ibang kaisipan, at anumang pananaw sa mga isyu ay isa lamang na kontribusyon sa masalimuot  subalit lubhang mahalagang gawain ng pag-unawa sa buhay, sa mundo, lalo’t higit sa Diyos. Inaasahan na ang mga talakayan tungkol sa kalayaan, demokrasya, karapatang pantao, at iba pang usapin na may kinalaman sa mga Muslim sa kasalukuyan gaya ng pagpapatubo ng bangko at pag-aasawa ng magkakaibang pananampalataya o interfaith marriage, ay magdudulot ng mas malalim na pag-unawa sa maraming Islamic na pagtanaw sa maraming katanungan. Ang mga usaping ito ay ipinaliliwanag mula sa isang perspektibong pangrelihiyon, datapwa’t hindi dapat ipagpalagay na ito lamang ang nag-iisang pananaw sa Islam.  Ang mga pananalita gaya ng ‘ayon sa Islam’ na ginamit sa babasahing ito ay hindi nangangahulugang ito ang pinakamapapaniwalaan at panghuling pasya; walang iisang ‘Islam’ kung kaya walang iisang interpretasyon sa doktrinang Islamic. Kung sa pagbasa’y madaanan ang salitang ‘ayon sa Quran’, na madalas na ginamit sa babasahing ito dahil sa kakapusan ng espasyo, dapat unawain ito bilang ‘ayon sa interpretasyon sa Quran ng manunulat’. Inaasahang maiintindihan ng mambabasa na interpretasyon ng mga may-akda ang mga pananaw sa mga babasahing ito, katulad ng pananaw saan man tungkol sa Islam.

Ang pagtatangkang usisain ang mga usaping ukol sa mundo ng Islam sa pamamagitan ng maiikling babasahin ay katunayan lamang na ang pagbabasa at pagaaral ay hindi dapat magtapos dito. Dapat ituloy ang pagsasaliksik matapos ang maiikling eksplorasyong ito. Upang lalong maintindihan ng mambabasa ang pluralismo at ang kahalagahan ng dignidad ng tao sa Islam, dapat basahin sina Rumi, Ibn Arabi, Frithjof Schoun, John Hick, at Nurcholis Madjid.

Nagbigay ng inspirasyon sa paglalathala ng serye ng babasahing ito ang mga seryeng Isu-isu Kontemporer dalam Perspektif Al-Quran dan Hadis na inilathala ng Centre for Language and Culture sa Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University sa Jakarta at ng Konrad Adenauer Foundation sa Indonesia. Pinanatili ng kasalukuyang serye ang sampu hanggang pitumpong porsiyento ng nilalaman mula sa publikasyon, kung kaya hindi na kinakatawan nito ang pananaw ng mga awtor ng Indonesian edition.

Para sa kapakinabangan ng mga mambabasa, mahalagang banggitin na sina Abdullah Yusuf Ali at A.J. Arberry ang nagsagawa ng malaking bahagi ng pagsasalin ng Qur’anic verses na nakasulat sa babasahing ito.

Maraming tao ang nagtulong-tulong upang malathala ang babasahing ito. Sa inyong lahat, at sa Konrad Adenauer Foundation sa Malaysia, na kung wala ang kanilang suporta, hindi magkakaroon ng kaliwanagan ang proyekto, dapat kayong bigyan ng taos-pusong pasasalamat.

Al-Mustaqeem Mahmod Radhi

Executive Director

Middle-Eastern Graduate Centre

Filipina feminists have struggled for decades to be taken seriously. Does our President realize that his off-the-cuff remarks about women’s physical attributes detract from their accomplishments, particularly since they are high-ranking government officials? In the pre-Trump United States, such statements would have opened the door to sexual harassment lawsuits.

It is really unfortunate, since the President has a track record of support for women’s empowerment.

For instance, when he was Mayor, Davao City was one of the first to enact local legislation to protect women. In 1997, Davao passed City Ordinance 5004 or the Women Development Code of Davao City, contains a section called “Other Forms of Sexual Harassment” prohibited in the city. One of these is the “persistent telling of offensive jokes such as green jokes or other analogous statements to someone who finds them offensive or humiliating.”

So unfortunate, since his message for the International Women’s Day, extolled the “amazing ways” by which women have transformed societies, citing them as heroes. He pledged to support and recognize Filipinas’ “invaluable contributions in sports, science, governance, education, public service and the arts.” PRRD really has to be more circumspect with his language, now that he is President.

My mother, former Senator Santanina “Nina” T. Rasul, together with Senator Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, Jr., championed Mindanao interests and came to know the local government officials. However, mom also championed the rights of women. While she has lauded the election of a Mindanaoan to the highest public office, it pains her when the President throws one of his impromptu and often inappropriate remarks.

I have been very lucky to have served as chief of staff of Sen. Rasul during those heady days of democracy after the EDSA People Power, which forced strongman President Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. to leave the country. Surrounded by intellectual giants who converted the Senate sessions into enlightening debates in pursuit of legislation, we who worked for the Senate took pride in the achievements of our Senators.

In celebration of Women’s Day, I wish to pay tribute to the two roses of the Senate (1987-1992) — Nina Rasul and Leticia “Letty” Ramos-Shahani, who have inspired women from Tawi-Tawi to the Cordilleras, with their achievements as public servants and as private citizens.

Nina Rasul sponsored RA 9649, declaring March 8 of every year as National Women’s Day in the Philippines. She was elected senator and served for two consecutive terms; from 1987 to 1992 and from 1992 to 1995. As a senator for eight years, Rasul authored, co-authored, and/or sponsored important legislation concerning women’s rights, Muslim affairs, family, and gender equality. One of her landmark legislation was RA 7192 or the Women in Development and Nation-Building Act of 1995 that empowered women; allocated development funds for women’s initiatives; and opened the Philippine Military Academy to women. A peace champion, she was a member of the government panel during the peace talks with the Moro National Liberation Front that lead to a peace agreement that was signed in 1996.

Since I have written about my mom often, let me tell you more about Senator Letty Ramos-Shahani, our Manang Letty. I got to know her well after she and mom had left the Senate. Manang Letty is in many ways, like mom: a bulldog with her cause, methodical and systematic, patient and hardworking. Never stopped reading, analyzing, and learning. Once Manang Letty and mom committed to a priority bill, there was no way it would not pass. They would wear down the resistance of their fellow senators, thru logic and compromise. And the occasional nagging.

Manang Letty’s landmark laws include the “Shahani Law” (Republic Act 6725, Strengthening the Prohibition of Discrimination Against Women in the Workplace) which addresses gender discrimination at work; the Anti-Rape Law of 1997; and RA 8505 and the Rape Victim Assistance and Protection Act of 1998, among others. She also introduced the inclusion of the mandatory five percent allocation in the budget of every government department and agency for gender and development.

Manang Letty’s trail-blazing for women’s issues started from her days at the United Nations. Joining the UN in 1964, she is considered to be one of the top ranking women of the United Nations. She is the first co-author of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which was based on the working draft known as the Philippine-Soviet Draft. She served as chair of the UN Commission on The Status of Women in 1975; secretary general of both the Third UN World Conference on Women and Seventh Congress on Crime Prevention and Treatment of Offenders. She served as UN assistant secretary general for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs.

Two years ago, the House of Representatives and the Committee on Women and Gender Equality of the Philippines honored Senator Shahani for her valuable contributions in shaping the women’s global agenda and pioneering initiatives for the empowerment of women through a national resolution.

A diplomat and international civil servant, an advocate of women’s rights, champion of family planning and population management, a literature student turned legislator and now a farmer. Manang Letty, like mom, refuses to rest on her laurels, and continues to push against boundaries that impede women’s effective participation in society.

I am trying to imagine our President with Manang Letty and my Mom, two icons of Filipina empowerment. Walang takas.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The Cardinal sought clarification on the status of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), should the Legislative agenda prioritize the amendment of the Constitution. Will the BBL be passed before amending the Constitution? If you recall, Congress rejected the BBL on issues of constitutionality. Anti-BBL proponents maintained that certain provisions of the draft BBL were unconstitutional, including the creation of a parliamentary form of government in the Bangsamoro region. They proposed to either drop the unconstitutional portions of the BBL, or to amend the 1987 Philippine Constitution. The Mamasapano massacre nailed the coffin of the BBL: Congress rejected the proposal.

During the meetings, Atty. Christian Monsod, former Comelec chair and one of the framers of the 1987 Constitution, maintained that it may not be necessary to amend the Constitution in order to pass the BBL, that the spirit of the Constitution allowed for flexibility in its interpretation. Monsod and majority of the surviving framers of the 1987 Constitution had expressed full support for the BBL, arguing that the proposed Bangsamoro would not dismember the country.

In 2015, former President Benigno S. C. Aquino III called for the formation of a National Peace Council to look into the constitutionality and acceptability of the BBL. The Council, which included retired Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr., assured Congress that the draft BBL, while imperfect and needed refinement, was faithful to the Constitution. The former Chief Justice said then that “the BBL does not guide the interpretation of the Constitution; the Constitution guides the interpretation of the BBL,” a view shared by Monsod and 13 framers of the Constitution.

During both meetings between legislators and the Friends of Peace, assurances were given that autonomy for the Bangsamoro as well as the Cordilleras would be secured. However, the FoP worries that the volatile conflict situation on the ground will worsen, as there has been no movement to start work on a draft BBL. The expanded Bangsamoro Transition Commission has yet to begin. Congresswoman Sandra Sema of Maguindanao has already refiled the draft BBL however there is no counterpart yet in the Senate.

Cardinal Quevedo and the FoP believe that it would be wise and efficient if the efforts of the BTC and Congress could be more coordinated, that a common draft be processed. How this coordination will be effected is another matter, particularly since most of our legislators are more keen to work on federalism and leery of the political fall out of championing the BBL, post-Mamasapano.

Fr. Joel Tabora, SJ, voiced his worries about the radicalizing mood among the young Bangsamoro during the meeting with Senate President Pimentel, Senators Frank Drilon, Panfilo Lacson, Gregorio Honasan, and Vicente Sotto. Fr. Tabora and Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo (one of the advisers of the MILF peace panel) related their observations that the rejection of the BBL by the past Congress has kindled the anger and frustrations of both the younger commanders of the Moro liberation fronts as well as young Moro intellectuals. The seeming inaction by government on the passage of the BBL is adding fuel to the fire. This we cannot afford as the reach of violent extremism has expanded globally.

Will the situation deteriorate and exacerbate the armed conflicts between Muslim liberation fronts and the government, even as the world is grappling with the expansion of violent extremism from the US to Europe to Africa and Asia? The Philippines is particularly vulnerable to the lure of extremist groups, as the areas of armed conflict in Mindanao remain unsettled and therefore volatile. What can be done to secure the peace?

We have witnessed the rise of violent extremist groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) whose goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate over their territory, using violence as a tool against their enemies and against peoples of other faiths. Recall that the idea of an independent Islamic caliphate started in Southeast Asia — by radical Indonesian and Filipino Muslims who were part of the Jemaah Islammiyah (JI). Over the past few years, we have seen evidence of ties between the ISIS and with remnants of the JI, the Abu Sayyaf as well as new groups such as the Maute Gang. Can we afford to allow these groups to gain strength with our seeming inaction? This is a critical concern of the Friends of Peace.

The skewed worldview of Muslim extremists has been exported to the Muslim communities in conflict with their government worldwide, even in moderate South East Asia. Preachers who support violence in the name of Islam propagate this worldview. Identity politics of ethnic groups in conflict with state have become intertwined with their faith in communities that are under threat — like conflict-affected Muslim Mindanao.

Our government’s response towards the armed conflict with Muslim liberation fronts in Mindanao has ranged from a hardline military approach to political negotiations for peace to interfaith dialogue. After over 40 years of wars with the liberation fronts, government and other stakeholders have realized that military action alone does not work. However, our legislative branch of government remains skeptical. This is not unusual, since we have very few representatives in the legislative bodies who are from the areas of conflict and seem to be unable to convince their fellow legislators about the need to pass a law that will secure the promise of genuine autonomy made by government, agreed upon in peace pacts from the 1976 Tripoli Agreement between government and the MNLF to the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement for the Bangsamoro.

We in the Friends of Peace, together with peace advocates nationwide, will continue to plead with our legislators and national leaders to see the wisdom of providing the genuine autonomy promised by government over the past 40 years in signed peace agreements. Autonomy in lieu of a war for independence is a small price to pay for peace, security, and stability of the entire nation.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.