March 11, 2026 – Many might say that the rise in petrol prices is only a car-owner’s problem. Little did many know that many aspects of our daily lives depend on petrol. From commuting to and from work to deliveries of goods, everyone is affected by it. It’s funny how we think petrol only matters when we’re filling up a car. In reality, it’s like a hidden cost woven into the price tag of almost everything we buy.

Commuters’ Reality

I ride public transportation most days of the week. It’s cheaper. But with the significant rise in petrol prices, I fear that the fare for public transport would also increase. It’s a domino effect I have seen every time there is a price hike, and I can already see the possibility. I used to ignore the prices in a gasoline station until I realized that those figures are the silent factors of my daily budget.

It starts with a few extra pesos or cents added to the “minimum fare.” While it seems small per trip, it compounds into hundreds by the end of the month. High fuel costs don’t just make rides more expensive; they make them rarer. When drivers can’t afford to keep their vehicles on the road, the “cheap” option suddenly costs me an extra 30 minutes of standing in line. Lastly, even if I walk to the market to save on fare, I’m still paying for petrol. The vendor at the wet market has to pay more for the delivery truck that brought the vegetables from the farm. In the end, I’m “eating” the fuel hike with every meal.

As of March 9, 2026, the Department of Energy, with guidance from the National Government, imposed nationwide price ceilings for petrol products. This move, according to the department, is to protect consumers from potential exploitation in supplies amid the crisis in the Middle East. The directive applies to all retail outlets, including – including both company-owned and dealer-operated stations.

Honestly, I do not fully understand how this directive ensures fair pricing – especially for regular Filipinos – but I hope it will not compromise the people’s access to basic necessities. While a price limit helps for now, it is just a bandage. We need a plan that ensures we can still afford basic needs even when global prices shift.

Filipino Resilience

Filipinos are known for being resilient. We are a master of flexibility in crisis situations. We have a habit of romanticizing our ability to endure. We find humor in the struggle and call it strength. But when the cost of a basic commute competes with the cost of a kilo of rice, resilience starts to feel a lot like exhaustion.

For some, resilience looks like skipping the morning coffee to cover the fare hike, or walking the last two kilometers to save ten pesos. We also developed the “pasa-buy” culture where neighbors or friends pool their resources to minimize expenses. For keyboard warriors, resilience hides behind “memes” and those funny videos and commentaries.

Moving Ahead

This is a Thanos-like effect – it’s inevitable. One snap, one major crisis and everything will change. Whether we are behind the wheel or gripping a handrail, the rising cost of fuel is a weight we all carry. While the price ceilings offer a temporary wall for the fire, the long-term solution lies in a transport and economic system that doesn’t leave the most vulnerable at the mercy of a global ticker.

Filipinos have always found a way to keep moving, but resilience is often exploited by people in power. We must demand good governance even in economic crisis situations. My hope is that in the coming months (or years), people in power bring more than just controlled prices. I hope that our leaders will have a sense of stability to plan for long-term solutions,  rather than putting another band-aid.

“All for Gas” should not mean sacrificing our basic comforts just to keep the country running. Instead, we must work toward a future where “Gas for All” means an economy that is accessible, fair, and, most importantly, humane. We are all passengers on this journey, and it’s about time the road was made a little smoother for everyone.

Quezon City Rep. Bong Suntay’s recent inappropriate remarks about actress Anne Curtis are yet another example of how women are often not seen as people. During a House committee on justice hearing, he argued that Vice President Sara Duterte’s threat against President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. cannot be made an impeachable offense. To illustrate his argument, Suntay then drew an “analogy” involving his own sexual fantasies toward the actress upon seeing her in person, insisting that since such thoughts exist only in his imagination, he cannot be charged for them. Following this, while some celebrities, netizens, and politicians condemned Suntay’s behavior, others came to his defense. For example, controversial lawyer Ferdinand Topacio, who once proclaimed his admiration for fascist dictator Adolf Hitler, defended the congressman during his radio program. In defense of Suntay’s backlash, Topacio lashed out at Jasmine Curtis and Gabriela Women’s Party Rep. Sarah Elago for defending Anne Curtis, blaming the women for “enticing” with the way they dress online. Topacio rationalized his remarks with the notion that men are “wired” to have sexual desires, while confessing his desire to Elago.

Here’s the thing: one of the biggest problems with many lawmakers is their lack of understanding of the very laws they are meant to uphold. Too often, they make questionable statements with absolute confidence, while those around them laugh it off as if it’s just another ordinary day. We see them commit heinous acts and walk away with little more than a slap on the wrist. If a so-called ‘honorable’ congressman believes such remarks are acceptable in the halls of Congress, one can only imagine the private conversations that occur when women are not present. It is deeply troubling that we are expected to address these officials as ‘honorable,’ a title that should be reserved for those who act with genuine integrity and respect, not for those who behave disrespectfully, dishonestly, or abusively.

Both Bong Suntay’s and Ferdinand Topacio’s statements should not be mistaken as ‘compliments’ or harmless admiration. Rather, they reinforce evidence of gender-based sexual harassment as defined under RA No. 11313, also known as the Safe Spaces Act (Bawal Bastos Law), or RA No. 9710, also known as the Magna Carta of Women, or RA No. 6713, otherwise known as the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees. 

Public figures who do not hold themselves accountable exemplify how those in positions of power often embody authoritarian politics that fuel the current rise of fascism. While it is true that society has made significant progress in fighting for women’s rights and welfare, there is still a need to deconstruct the systemic levels of misogyny that exclude women, label them as inferior, silence their voices, and even persuade them to defend the very system that oppresses them. 

Their statements are violations not just against Anne Curtis but against all women who have felt threatened or unsafe by the reckless language of those in power. As we celebrate National Women’s Month, let us remember that a woman’s dignity is not defined by men’s desires or by callous remarks. It is a fundamental human right that must never be trampled upon, especially by lawmakers entrusted with upholding justice.

Ramadan is one of the holiest and most transformative months for Muslims. This practice begins with a fasting period and ends with the sighting of the new moon. But beyond the religious prescription, the holy month provides a period for deep reflection and personal growth for those who truly embrace its message. 

How Ramadan Starts

The start of Ramadan is primarily determined by the sighting of the new crescent moon. Here’s something that might surprise you: the crescent moon was not used as an Islamic symbol in the early years of the religion. Islam didn’t have symbols and generally avoided aniconism to prevent anything that might look like idolatry. Mosques and Islamic art instead focused on calligraphy and geometric designs. So how did we get here? This is because the Ottoman Empire started placing crescents on everything that the symbol had completed its journey from an ancient moon-god emblem to a universal symbol of Islamic identity.

On February 17, 2026, the official moon-sighting groups in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region announced that Ramadan would begin in the Philippines on February 19. Since the exact date depends on when the moon is actually seen, it can vary by place and may differ by a day between countries. Surprisingly, the Lunar New Year, Ramadan, and Lent all began within a few days of each other this February, in such a rare occurrence!

The Holy Month of Ramadan

When the first revelations of the Qur’an were received by the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him), Ramadan became a period for Muslims who fast from dawn to dusk. But it is more than just not eating during the day; it’s a whole month of discipline and developing taqwa (awareness of God) through observing the nightly Taraweeh prayers and reading the Qur’an.

One of the most beautiful things about Ramadan is that it is open for people of other faiths to join during the breaking of the fast. As a month dedicated to generosity and compassion, it is a meaningful time to share blessings with the hungry and less fortunate. 

Fasting Across Beliefs

There are different ways of fasting among religions. When you look at Judaism, Jews fast for about 25 hours from sunset to sunset during the Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement). Believers focus on praying and repentance. Even in the most mundane of things, like wearing leather shoes, they must show humility and avoid luxury. 

And just like the Jews, Christians fast in a way that humbles themselves by giving up material or physical things to renew their faith. It is really a time to reflect and grow closer to God. On the other hand, Evangelical Christianity sees fasting as a private time to connect with the divine force of God (Holy Spirit). 

There is something so profound about how fasting isn’t just about skipping meals. Whether it’s for religious reasons or personal growth, it quietly challenges the loud and busy world’s obsession with always wanting more. It shows us that we don’t live by bread alone, but by our character, kindness, and connection to the divine.

Ramadan is a gift of infinite mercy. Its meaningful impact should not end with the disappearance of the moon crescent but should shine through every person’s character and soul all year round. As we celebrate the month of Ramadan, may we set aside our distractions and nurture a sense of discipline and good purpose that lasts long. Let us remind ourselves to be more empathetic, humble, and mindful of those who need help and care.

February 22, 2026 – Long before the modern borders of the Philippines were etched in stone, a young man named Abd ul-Bagui Butu Rasul walked the shores of Jolo, carrying a lineage that stretched back to the 14th-century ministers of Raja Baginda. Born in 1865, the man who would become known as Hadji Butu was destined for more than just local prominence. By the age of sixteen, his sharp intellect and deep Islamic education propelled him to the role of Chief Minister to the Sultan of Sulu. He was a master of the “long game,” navigating the treacherous waters of a sultanate torn between internal power struggles and the encroaching shadow of Spanish colonial rule.

As powers shifted from Spanish to American rules, Hadji Butu remained a constant, grounding force. He was a diplomat who understood that while military government was obeyed through fear, civil government is obeyed through love. Whether he was negotiating the Kiram-Bates Treaty or serving as an assistant to legendary figures like General Leonard Wood and John Pershing – the one appointed him as the Deputy District Governor of Sulu in 1913. His goal was simple: to preserve the dignity of the Moro people while weaving their destiny into the broader fabric of a rising Philippine nation.

In 1916, Hadji Butu became the first Muslim Filipino to sit in the Philippine Senate. He wasn’t just a symbolic figurehead. He was a visionary, who originally advocated for the creation of the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) and the Naval Academy, believing that a nation’s strength lay in its ability to defend itself. He stood side by side with his Christian brothers in the fight for independence, famously declaring that they were all bound by a common tie and a shared ideal for the welfare of the Philippines. His voice was one of the few that bridged the deep cultural divides of the archipelago, proving that faith and Philippine identity could walk hand in hand.

Even in his final years, his mind remained dedicated to the soul of the country. In 1937, President Manuel Quezon appointed him to the Institute of National Language to help define a unified tongue for the diverse people of the Philippines. When Hadji Butu passed away on February 22, 1937, he left behind a legacy that was much more than a list of titles. He was a noble man, a historian, a peacebuilder, and a real patriot who spent many years proving that the heart of the South beat in perfect rhythm with the Philippines as a whole.

At the Special Forum, leaders and advocates from Southeast Asia (SEA) and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regions gathered to strengthen regional collaboration for peace and security. This event provided a vital platform for exchanging experiences, exploring shared priorities, and establishing meaningful partnerships that transcend borders. The Special Forum aimed to build a network of support, commitment, and action to advance the WPS agenda and create a safer, more inclusive world for all.

Speakers Included:

• Amina Rasul-Bernardo, President of PCID
• Nurul Izzah Anwar, representative of the Government of the Day of Malaysia
• Dr. Gloria Jumamil-Mercado, a member of ASEAN Women for Peace Registry (AWPR)
• H.E. Artauli RMP Tobing, Indonesian Representative of ASEAN – IPR Advisory Board
• H.E. Koung Sorita, Secretary of State, Cambodia Ministry of Women’s Affairs
• Mitra Modaress, Representative of The International Dialogue Centre – KAICIID
• Dwi Rubiyanti Kholifah, Country Director for the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN)
• Sanam Naraghi Anderlini MBE, Founder and CEO, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)
• Norul Mohamed Rashid, Policy Advisor from UN Women Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific

Special Thanks to Partners

For the Special Forum, PCID thanks our partners, namely:

• Brigham Young University (BYU) International Center for Law and Religion Studies
• International Dialogue Centre – KAICIID
• Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• The Asia Foundation
• Women’s and Gender Studies Association of the Philippines (WSAP)
• University of the Philippines Law Center
• University of the Philippines Women Lawyers’ Circle
• University of the Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance
• Mindanao State University
• United States Institute of Peace
• Embassy of Switzerland
• The Australian Government
• The United Nations Development Programme
• The United Kingdom Government

Core Organizing Partners

For the overall ICWPS, PCID collaborated with:

• Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA)
• Department of Budget and Management (DBM)
• Office of the Presidential Adviser on Peace, Reconciliation, and Unity (OPAPRU)
• Philippine Commission on Women (PCW)
• Presidential Communications Office (PCO)
• UN Women
• ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (ASEAN-IPR)

Together, we are building stronger regional networks for a more peaceful and inclusive future.

#ICWPS2024 #WomenPeaceSecurity #BridgingRegionsForWomenPeaceSecurity

Round Table Discussion on “WOMEN’S RIGHTS UNDER SHARI’AH LAW”, with ​Special Guest and Resource Person, Dr. Azizah al-Hibri, Founder, KARAMAH: Muslim Women Lawyers for Human Rights, Saturday, March 10, 2018, (1:00PM to 5:00PM), 5th floor Meeting Room, Henry Sy, Sr. Hall, UP-BGC, Taguig City

The UP Law Center in partnership with the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy (PCID) held the second Round Table Discussion of the Law and Religion Series with timely focus on women’s rights, Shari’ah, and Islamic jurisprudence. The Law and Religion RTD Series is envisioned to promote intellectual discourse among and between lawyers and legal scholars on issues that interface religion and the legal system.

Guest speaker and resource person, Dr. Azizah Y. al-Hibri, the first Muslim woman law professor in the United States and the founder of KARAMAH: Muslim Women Lawyers for Human Rights. Her insightful researches and analyses have been published in the University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law, the Harvard International Review, and Fordham International Law Journal, to name a few. Dr. al-Hibri is currently a professor emerita at the T.C. Williams School of Law at the University of Richmond, Virginia. She shared her perspectives on marriage, remedies for women in divorce cases, successional rights for wives and daughters.

Filipina feminists have struggled for decades to be taken seriously. Does our President realize that his off-the-cuff remarks about women’s physical attributes detract from their accomplishments, particularly since they are high-ranking government officials? In the pre-Trump United States, such statements would have opened the door to sexual harassment lawsuits.

It is really unfortunate, since the President has a track record of support for women’s empowerment.

For instance, when he was Mayor, Davao City was one of the first to enact local legislation to protect women. In 1997, Davao passed City Ordinance 5004 or the Women Development Code of Davao City, contains a section called “Other Forms of Sexual Harassment” prohibited in the city. One of these is the “persistent telling of offensive jokes such as green jokes or other analogous statements to someone who finds them offensive or humiliating.”

So unfortunate, since his message for the International Women’s Day, extolled the “amazing ways” by which women have transformed societies, citing them as heroes. He pledged to support and recognize Filipinas’ “invaluable contributions in sports, science, governance, education, public service and the arts.” PRRD really has to be more circumspect with his language, now that he is President.

My mother, former Senator Santanina “Nina” T. Rasul, together with Senator Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, Jr., championed Mindanao interests and came to know the local government officials. However, mom also championed the rights of women. While she has lauded the election of a Mindanaoan to the highest public office, it pains her when the President throws one of his impromptu and often inappropriate remarks.

I have been very lucky to have served as chief of staff of Sen. Rasul during those heady days of democracy after the EDSA People Power, which forced strongman President Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. to leave the country. Surrounded by intellectual giants who converted the Senate sessions into enlightening debates in pursuit of legislation, we who worked for the Senate took pride in the achievements of our Senators.

In celebration of Women’s Day, I wish to pay tribute to the two roses of the Senate (1987-1992) — Nina Rasul and Leticia “Letty” Ramos-Shahani, who have inspired women from Tawi-Tawi to the Cordilleras, with their achievements as public servants and as private citizens.

Nina Rasul sponsored RA 9649, declaring March 8 of every year as National Women’s Day in the Philippines. She was elected senator and served for two consecutive terms; from 1987 to 1992 and from 1992 to 1995. As a senator for eight years, Rasul authored, co-authored, and/or sponsored important legislation concerning women’s rights, Muslim affairs, family, and gender equality. One of her landmark legislation was RA 7192 or the Women in Development and Nation-Building Act of 1995 that empowered women; allocated development funds for women’s initiatives; and opened the Philippine Military Academy to women. A peace champion, she was a member of the government panel during the peace talks with the Moro National Liberation Front that lead to a peace agreement that was signed in 1996.

Since I have written about my mom often, let me tell you more about Senator Letty Ramos-Shahani, our Manang Letty. I got to know her well after she and mom had left the Senate. Manang Letty is in many ways, like mom: a bulldog with her cause, methodical and systematic, patient and hardworking. Never stopped reading, analyzing, and learning. Once Manang Letty and mom committed to a priority bill, there was no way it would not pass. They would wear down the resistance of their fellow senators, thru logic and compromise. And the occasional nagging.

Manang Letty’s landmark laws include the “Shahani Law” (Republic Act 6725, Strengthening the Prohibition of Discrimination Against Women in the Workplace) which addresses gender discrimination at work; the Anti-Rape Law of 1997; and RA 8505 and the Rape Victim Assistance and Protection Act of 1998, among others. She also introduced the inclusion of the mandatory five percent allocation in the budget of every government department and agency for gender and development.

Manang Letty’s trail-blazing for women’s issues started from her days at the United Nations. Joining the UN in 1964, she is considered to be one of the top ranking women of the United Nations. She is the first co-author of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which was based on the working draft known as the Philippine-Soviet Draft. She served as chair of the UN Commission on The Status of Women in 1975; secretary general of both the Third UN World Conference on Women and Seventh Congress on Crime Prevention and Treatment of Offenders. She served as UN assistant secretary general for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs.

Two years ago, the House of Representatives and the Committee on Women and Gender Equality of the Philippines honored Senator Shahani for her valuable contributions in shaping the women’s global agenda and pioneering initiatives for the empowerment of women through a national resolution.

A diplomat and international civil servant, an advocate of women’s rights, champion of family planning and population management, a literature student turned legislator and now a farmer. Manang Letty, like mom, refuses to rest on her laurels, and continues to push against boundaries that impede women’s effective participation in society.

I am trying to imagine our President with Manang Letty and my Mom, two icons of Filipina empowerment. Walang takas.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The Cardinal sought clarification on the status of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), should the Legislative agenda prioritize the amendment of the Constitution. Will the BBL be passed before amending the Constitution? If you recall, Congress rejected the BBL on issues of constitutionality. Anti-BBL proponents maintained that certain provisions of the draft BBL were unconstitutional, including the creation of a parliamentary form of government in the Bangsamoro region. They proposed to either drop the unconstitutional portions of the BBL, or to amend the 1987 Philippine Constitution. The Mamasapano massacre nailed the coffin of the BBL: Congress rejected the proposal.

During the meetings, Atty. Christian Monsod, former Comelec chair and one of the framers of the 1987 Constitution, maintained that it may not be necessary to amend the Constitution in order to pass the BBL, that the spirit of the Constitution allowed for flexibility in its interpretation. Monsod and majority of the surviving framers of the 1987 Constitution had expressed full support for the BBL, arguing that the proposed Bangsamoro would not dismember the country.

In 2015, former President Benigno S. C. Aquino III called for the formation of a National Peace Council to look into the constitutionality and acceptability of the BBL. The Council, which included retired Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr., assured Congress that the draft BBL, while imperfect and needed refinement, was faithful to the Constitution. The former Chief Justice said then that “the BBL does not guide the interpretation of the Constitution; the Constitution guides the interpretation of the BBL,” a view shared by Monsod and 13 framers of the Constitution.

During both meetings between legislators and the Friends of Peace, assurances were given that autonomy for the Bangsamoro as well as the Cordilleras would be secured. However, the FoP worries that the volatile conflict situation on the ground will worsen, as there has been no movement to start work on a draft BBL. The expanded Bangsamoro Transition Commission has yet to begin. Congresswoman Sandra Sema of Maguindanao has already refiled the draft BBL however there is no counterpart yet in the Senate.

Cardinal Quevedo and the FoP believe that it would be wise and efficient if the efforts of the BTC and Congress could be more coordinated, that a common draft be processed. How this coordination will be effected is another matter, particularly since most of our legislators are more keen to work on federalism and leery of the political fall out of championing the BBL, post-Mamasapano.

Fr. Joel Tabora, SJ, voiced his worries about the radicalizing mood among the young Bangsamoro during the meeting with Senate President Pimentel, Senators Frank Drilon, Panfilo Lacson, Gregorio Honasan, and Vicente Sotto. Fr. Tabora and Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo (one of the advisers of the MILF peace panel) related their observations that the rejection of the BBL by the past Congress has kindled the anger and frustrations of both the younger commanders of the Moro liberation fronts as well as young Moro intellectuals. The seeming inaction by government on the passage of the BBL is adding fuel to the fire. This we cannot afford as the reach of violent extremism has expanded globally.

Will the situation deteriorate and exacerbate the armed conflicts between Muslim liberation fronts and the government, even as the world is grappling with the expansion of violent extremism from the US to Europe to Africa and Asia? The Philippines is particularly vulnerable to the lure of extremist groups, as the areas of armed conflict in Mindanao remain unsettled and therefore volatile. What can be done to secure the peace?

We have witnessed the rise of violent extremist groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) whose goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate over their territory, using violence as a tool against their enemies and against peoples of other faiths. Recall that the idea of an independent Islamic caliphate started in Southeast Asia — by radical Indonesian and Filipino Muslims who were part of the Jemaah Islammiyah (JI). Over the past few years, we have seen evidence of ties between the ISIS and with remnants of the JI, the Abu Sayyaf as well as new groups such as the Maute Gang. Can we afford to allow these groups to gain strength with our seeming inaction? This is a critical concern of the Friends of Peace.

The skewed worldview of Muslim extremists has been exported to the Muslim communities in conflict with their government worldwide, even in moderate South East Asia. Preachers who support violence in the name of Islam propagate this worldview. Identity politics of ethnic groups in conflict with state have become intertwined with their faith in communities that are under threat — like conflict-affected Muslim Mindanao.

Our government’s response towards the armed conflict with Muslim liberation fronts in Mindanao has ranged from a hardline military approach to political negotiations for peace to interfaith dialogue. After over 40 years of wars with the liberation fronts, government and other stakeholders have realized that military action alone does not work. However, our legislative branch of government remains skeptical. This is not unusual, since we have very few representatives in the legislative bodies who are from the areas of conflict and seem to be unable to convince their fellow legislators about the need to pass a law that will secure the promise of genuine autonomy made by government, agreed upon in peace pacts from the 1976 Tripoli Agreement between government and the MNLF to the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement for the Bangsamoro.

We in the Friends of Peace, together with peace advocates nationwide, will continue to plead with our legislators and national leaders to see the wisdom of providing the genuine autonomy promised by government over the past 40 years in signed peace agreements. Autonomy in lieu of a war for independence is a small price to pay for peace, security, and stability of the entire nation.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The perceived failure of autonomy and unabated dissatisfaction of the Moro over the unjust distribution of wealth and resources in the country have pushed a good number to pursue the lure of independence, at times linked to violent extremism.

In the past, national government has offered autonomy, thinking that this will end the armed conflict in Mindanao. However, the establishment of a dubious autonomy only strengthened the call for independence by disappointed MNLF Chair Misuari.

The Supreme Court’s issuance of a TRO on the signing of the MoA on Ancestral Domain (MoA-AD) in 2008 further derailed the peace process and reinforced the idea that the government was insincere in the implementation of autonomy for the Bangsamoro.

After ups and downs during the Arroyo administration, the Aquino administration pursued the peace process with a single-minded purpose until the ill-fated Mamasapano Massacre, designed to capture high-value terrorists that claimed the lives of 44 Special Armed Force troops and over a dozen civilians.

The Bangsamoro Basic Law, product of months of deliberations by the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC) and over 500 consultations, was collateral damage. Congress junked it, as many leaders were fearful of the adverse reactions of their voters. Cardinal Orlando Quevedo of Mindanao, Convenor of the Friends of Peace, had said at a media forum: “The Mamasapano tragedy sadly exposed the deeply entrenched biases and prejudices of the Filipino Christian majority. Sadder still is to learn that most of those who disapprove the BBL but know little or almost none about it are Catholics.”

As the victims’ families commemorated the anniversary of the Mamasapano Massacre last Wednesday, they and followers of President Duterte demanded a reopening of the investigations, dissatisfied with the findings. Will the investigations again derail the passage of a Bangsamoro Basic Law?

The BTC, expanded by President Duterte to include representatives of the MNLF, has been instructed to redraft the BBL. This time, it is being drafted at a time parallel to the President’s move to change our governmental system from the presidential structure to federalism. The question topmost in the minds of Bangsamoro leaders: what will happen to the constitutionally guaranteed autonomy?

Federalism is seen as a reasonable solution — short of independence but more substantive than autonomy — to the Mindanao conflict. If we transform into a federal system, we need to point out the importance of restructuring the form of government taking into consideration the identity, culture, and language of the Bangsamoro and Indigenous Peoples safeguarded by the Philippine Constitution. This concession was the political solution to decades of armed conflict.

The federal system of government is probably the most ideal option to address the demands to self-determination of the Bangsamoro, short of granting them independence. Federalism is a political arrangement, short of independence but better than the autonomy that Bangsamoro have now.

Last Tuesday, Swiss Ambassador Andrea Reichlin brought Dr. Nicole Toepperwien (Swiss federalist advisor) to Manila to share her findings from countries similarly faced with armed ethnic conflict. Dr. Toepperwien spoke at two important sessions: one hosted by Senate President Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III for federalism advocates and, in the afternoon, a session organized by the Harvard Kennedy School Alumni at the Asian Institute of Management.

The discussions brought out several issues about the inequities of the present system. A key one: armed ethnic conflicts are fueled by a most powerful centrist organization, ineffective in implementing policy and ungenerous in providing access to political and economic power to minority groups. Can these conflicts can be prevented or mediated by restructuring of the state? Or will more effective official policies for redistribution of power and wealth, fair electoral laws and power sharing, acceptance of self-determination do the trick? Majority of the participants believed that the present system is not conducive to implementation of equitable and effective official policies for regions outside the so-called “Imperial Manila.”

Based on our experience over the last 40 years since the Tripoli Agreement, I agree. Today, with the problems brought about by the junking of the BBL and the spread of violent extremism, armed conflicts are again looming in Mindanao. And yet the government and the MILF have been successfully negotiating for over a decade now on what is essentially a mode for power sharing between the state and the Muslim minorities, something that had been accepted in principle when government signed the 1996 peace agreement with the MNLF. Many political leaders are looking at power sharing or devolution of power via federalism. In an asymmetrical federation, one or more federal states are vested with special powers not granted to other provinces, to allow for preservation of the culture and language of its settlers.

We need to distinguish between federalism and autonomy. In federations, regions participate actively in national institution and national policy making. On the other hand, in autonomy under our presidential system, we are given self-governance but we are really not participant in decision making at the national level. A federalist mode will now allow people in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao to also be participants in national decision making.

The failure of autonomy in Muslim Mindanao is not only due to the failures of the elected leaders of ARMM to govern but also to the failures of national government to support the needs of the regional government. The late Emy Boncodin, former Budget Secretary, published an assessment of the fiscal problems of ARMM. These issues that need to be considered include:

• The heavy dependence of ARMM on the National Government, principally through National Government appropriations to ARMM and IRA’s for the LGUs.
• The limited direct control of ARMM over the utilization of funds available to ARMM — in fact, LGUs have more funds under their control than the ARMM.
• ARMM is treated like any other government department in the budgetary process, and is thus subject to budgetary decisions by politicians and bureaucrats at the national level.
• ARMM has no real autonomy to decide, on its own, the level and allocation of funds for its politically distinct mandate has to “fight” for its funds like any other department, noting the budget is detailed and input-oriented with little flexibility, making it difficult for a region like ARMM which has to cope with the uncertainties of a “conflict environment.”

With the ARMM as the subject of a peace agreement, one could have expected a significant increase in funding, rather than incremental growth for rehabilitation of conflict areas and pump-priming activities necessary to spur growth. Hope is high that a shift from the present system to federalism will provide ARMM and other regions more political representation that can ensure a more equitable sharing of pie. Hope springs eternal.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The Moros of Mindanao had fought for generations to preserve their sovereign sultanates from the time of the Spanish colonization to the grant of an independent Republic of the Philippines by the American colonial powers. The Moro wars for independence simmered under the new Republic, with Hadji Butu, prime minister of the Sulu Sultanate, agreeing to be the first Muslim Senator of the Republic.

However, Moro leaders never let go of the dream of independence, never forgetting the illegal annexation of their sovereign sultanates by a government which then marginalized and neglected their communities. The war for independence broke anew with the imposition of Martial Law, when Moro separatists and the Communist threat were declared as the two reasons for the imposition of Martial Rule. The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), under Nur Misuari, was born to lead the war for independence.

Conceding that war is a no-win situation, both MNLF and government agreed to find a peaceful political solution.

Since the 1976 Tripoli Peace Agreement, autonomy has been the preferred and only option available.

Unfortunately, the autonomy finally implemented was not the genuine autonomy agreed upon under the 1976 agreement. The MNLF splintered in two, with leaders of Central Mindanao organizing the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) under the late Ustadz Salamat Hashim. Misuari’s MNLF went back to the mountains. After the Marcos years, the peace process was revitalized.

Under the late former President Corazon C. Aquino, autonomy for our ethnic communities — in the Cordilleras and in the Muslim South — was enshrined in the 1987 Constitution.

Subsequent peace agreements with the Moro National Liberation Front (1996 Final Peace Agreement under former President Fidel V. Ramos) and later the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (as fleshed out in the rejected Bangsamoro Basic Law) sought to strengthen the implementation of genuine autonomy, as provided for in the Constitution.

However, autonomy was weak — never as strong as that granted in 1976. Congress reduced the powers of the autonomous government. It rejected the Bangsamoro Basic Law, the end product of almost two decades of negotiations with the MILF.

The frustration and anger of armed groups, now enamored with the concept of a global Islamic Caliphate or State, grew with what they saw as double-dealing by a Christian government. To them, government was one. They did not recognize the balance of power among the three branches of government — the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judiciary. They only saw the dysfunctional nature of the present political system and governance mechanisms and blamed government, attributing the rejection of the BBL to a Christian majority out to repudiate the aspirations of the minority Muslim community, long marginalized and neglected. These groups, who have expressed allegiance to the ISIS, have started their campaign of terror here in the Philippines, blaming the leaders of the MNLF and the MILF for allowing themselves to be duped by a government that will never do justice to the Moro.

What can we do, to preserve peace, stability and emerging unity amongst the peoples of the Philippines? Particularly today, as the world seems to be veering away from the concept of a global village to that of fortresses against “The Other.”

Now comes President Rodrigo Roa Duterte of Mindanao and his siren call of federalism.

Federalism, espoused since the ’70s by Mindanao leaders led by then Mayor Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, Jr., has been gaining ground as a “lasting solution to separatism” and as a final option in dealing with Filipino diversity.

Elected Senator and later Senate President, Manong Nene continued to advocate federalism to end the unequal distribution of wealth and power by the national government. Under the Pimentel proposed federal constitution, there will be a shift in the structure of government from the unitary system to a federal system and from a presidential type to a parliamentary form of government. There will be consolidation of the local governments units (LGUs) in the existing 16 administrative regions, Metro Manila, and the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) into 11 states. The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao will be set up as a Bangsamoro State. There can be autonomous regions set up within the Bangsamoro State.

Is federalism the answer?

On Dec. 15, the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy and the Institute for Autonomy and Governance organized a forum on Federalism, Autonomy, and Mindanao Peace Process at Club Filipino. We gathered leaders of the Bangsamoro diaspora, a potent sector never consulted by government as a group, regarding the present call of the government to shift to federalism.

The keynote speaker, Former Senate President Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. stressed the need to break the hold of the central government (Imperial Manila) on powers, despite devolution and the Local Government Code.

The panel included DFA Undersecretary for International Economic Affairs Manuel Teehankee, Atty. Raul Lambino, and Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo. Usec Teehankee focused his discussion on the fiscal and economic benefits of federalism. Atty. Lambino, who has been organizing forums on federalism for the past four months, provided additional insights into the distribution of powers that will benefit the regions under federalism. Atty. Sinarimbo, who has been a part of the MILF negotiating panel for many years, detailed the powers needed for genuine autonomy to be implemented and how autonomy fits into a federalist system.

The panel were in agreement on a major point: under the present unitary system, the control of powers and resources — inspite of the Constitution and devolution — have alienated the Bangsamoro people and other indigenous cultural communities. They acknowledged the neglect and discrimination suffered by indigenous peoples.

Former Senate President Nene Pimentel proposed 12 federal states — five in Luzon (one for the indigenous peoples of the Cordilleras), four in Visayas, and three in Mindanao (including the Bangsamoro State, which could have regions of autonomy).

The proponents also argued that the present ineffective and irresponsive system and the weakness of the rule of law have allowed political warlords, and corrupt politicians and dynasties to exist prosper.

Will federalism result in a more effective, equitable and responsive system? Most of the participants, after discussions with the panel, believed it would. In a quick survey held at the forum, 76% (48 out of 63 Muslim leaders) expressed their support for federalism.

Will federalism end the aspirations for independence of frustrated and angry armed groups in the South? Or, like the grant of autonomy by Congress, will it end up as a piece of legislation that will paper over differences? We need a well-designed home with a strong foundation to hold all our peoples together, not a house of cards. That political architecture can only be designed if our peoples are part of the drafting. As the forum participants opined, we need a Constitutional Convention.

I myself support the core arguments for federalism. However, I do believe that we need to have more engaged discussions — not just mass forums that do little to elicit serious thought about what it takes to move from the present political system to another. I echo the comments of many of the leaders present at the forum: majority of our people, from Tawi-Tawi to the Ilocos, who say they support federalism see it as a miraculous system that will immediately change our situation. We need more engagement. I repeat the query at the federalism forum of the UP School of Economics: if federalism is the answer, what is the question?

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.