Mga Pangkasalukuyang Isyu sa Daigdig ng Islam

ISLAM AT  PAG-AASAWA NG MAGKAKAIBANG PANANAMPALATAYA

Paunang salita

Ang seryeng Pangkasalukuyang Isyu sa Daigdig ng Islam ay isinilang sa panahon ng kaguluhan at pagkabalisa, kasama pa ang muling pagbangon ng Islam noong dekada 70 na nagbubunga ngayon ng karahasan dulot ng Al-Qaeda at Jemaah Islamiya (JI). Mistulang nakatagpo ng balidong pagpapahayag ang marubdob na pananampalataya sa pamamagitan ng mga suicide bombing at kaguluhan ng madla o mob violence, at marahil, ang pinakatanyag na imahen ng Islam sa mundo ngayon, ang mga galit na demonstrador na may mga plakard na sumisigaw ng panawagan ng lalo pang pagdanak ng dugo na nakita natin matapos ang pagkakalathala ng mga cartoon ni Propeta Muhammad sa Denmark, at ng kaguluhan noong pangaral sa Pananampalataya at Katwiran ni Pope Benedict XVI sa University of Regensburg.

Sa Malaysia at Indonesia, ang mga puwersa ng konserbatibong pananampalataya o religious conservatism ay nagtangka, na may iba’t ibang lebel ng tagumpay, na isali ang pagkontrol ng estado sa kanilang mga Islamist agenda. Noong 2005, ang Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) ay nag-isyu ng fatwa (religious edict o kautusan) na nagdedeklarang heretikal na paniniwala o heretical ideologies at walang puwang sa Islam ang pluralismo, sekularismo at liberalismo. Sa Malaysia, sinalubong ng malawakang rali at pananakot ng mga Islamist na tumututol sa interfaith at intercultural na diyalogo ang mga pampublikong porum na inorganisa ng Article 11 Coalition noong 2006 na may layuning palaganapin ang kamulatan para sa Federal Constitution at ang mga proteksiyon at pananagutan sa ilalim nito bilang pinakamakapangyarihang batas ng bansa. Ang mga pampublikong porum na ito na tumatalakay sa kalayaan sa pananamapalataya o freedom of religion ay naglalaman, ayon sa pananaw ng mga Islamist,ng banta para sa Islam at sa mga Muslim. Sa halip na proteksiyunan mula sa banta ng karahasan ang mga nag-organisa ng mga porum ng Article 11,  ipinag-utos ng gobyerno ang pagpapatigil sa mga porum kaya nagsilbing tagumpay ito sa puwersa ng Islamism sa kanilang kampanya laban sa kalayaan sa pagpapahayag at sa kapangyarihan ng batas o rule of law. Ipinamahagi ang larawan na nagsasabing taksil at dapat mamatay ang human rights lawyer at pangunahing kasapi ng Article 11 Coalition na si Malik Imtiaz Sarwar. Hindi yata’t may mga Muslim sa Malaysia na naniniwalang gawaing moral ang panawagan sa kamatayan.

Habang inilalathala ang mga babasahing ito sa orihinal na bersiyon, napag-alaman ng mga Malaysian na mayroong 18 aklat ang ipinagbawal ng Internal Security Ministry para sa diumano’y interes ng ‘public order’ o kaayusan. Kasama sa listahan ng mga ipinagbabawal na aklat ang What Everyone Needs to Know About Islam ni John Esposito, at The Battle for God: Fundamentalism in Judaism, Christianity and Islam ni Karen Armstrong. Ang pagbabawal sa mga aklat na ito ay lalo lamang nagpalaganap sa imahen ng Islam bilang isang intolerant o sarado at mapaniil na relihiyon.

Ang paglalathala ng seryeng ito ay isang pagtatangkang itanghal ang ‘nalinawan’ o enlightened na aspekto ng Islam kasama na, gaano man kaliit, ang dimensiyon nitong humanitarian . Kinikilala din na hindi dapat isisi sa relihiyon ang mga kaguluhang nagaganap dahil sa ngalan nito. Para sa mga mangmang at may saradong pagiisip, isang madaling kasangkapan lamang ang relihiyon para isulong ang isang layunin. Sa likod ng mga pagkamuhi at karahasan na naipapahayag sa mga retorikang pangrelihiyon ay makikita ang mga sosyal, politikal at pang-ekonomiyang kadahilanan ng mga kaguuhan.

Habang kailangang ituloy ang mga diyalogo at kooperasyon sa pagitan ng mga mauunlad at mahihirap na bansa upang hindi magdulot ng lalong tensyon at kaguluhan, kailangan ding balikan, unawain at suriin ang mga sariling tradisyon at pagtataya, lalo na sa kasalukuyang panahon, sa usapin ng pananampalatayang panrelihiyon. Ang internal na pagsisiyasat na ito ang nais pasukin ng serye ng babasahing ito.

Gayunman, hindi ninanais ng seryeng ito na magbigay ng ganap na solusyon na lulutas sa mga usaping itinatanghal nito . Ang isa sa mga saligan ng seryeng ito ay ang paghikayat at pagrespeto sa iba’t ibang kaisipan, at anumang pananaw sa mga isyu ay isa lamang na kontribusyon sa masalimuot  subalit lubhang mahalagang gawain ng pag-unawa sa buhay, sa mundo, lalo’t higit sa Diyos. Inaasahan na ang mga talakayan tungkol sa kalayaan, demokrasya, karapatang pantao, at iba pang usapin na may kinalaman sa mga Muslim sa kasalukuyan gaya ng pagpapatubo ng bangko at pag-aasawa ng magkakaibang pananampalataya o interfaith marriage, ay magdudulot ng mas malalim na pag-unawa sa maraming Islamic na pagtanaw sa maraming katanungan. Ang mga usaping ito ay ipinaliliwanag mula sa isang perspektibong pangrelihiyon, datapwa’t hindi dapat ipagpalagay na ito lamang ang nag-iisang pananaw sa Islam.  Ang mga pananalita gaya ng ‘ayon sa Islam’ na ginamit sa babasahing ito ay hindi nangangahulugang ito ang pinakamapapaniwalaan at panghuling pasya; walang iisang ‘Islam’ kung kaya walang iisang interpretasyon sa doktrinang Islamic. Kung sa pagbasa’y madaanan ang salitang ‘ayon sa Quran’, na madalas na ginamit sa babasahing ito dahil sa kakapusan ng espasyo, dapat unawain ito bilang ‘ayon sa interpretasyon sa Quran ng manunulat’. Inaasahang maiintindihan ng mambabasa na interpretasyon ng mga may-akda ang mga pananaw sa mga babasahing ito, katulad ng pananaw saan man tungkol sa Islam.

Ang pagtatangkang usisain ang mga usaping ukol sa mundo ng Islam sa pamamagitan ng maiikling babasahin ay katunayan lamang na ang pagbabasa at pagaaral ay hindi dapat magtapos dito. Dapat ituloy ang pagsasaliksik matapos ang maiikling eksplorasyong ito. Upang lalong maintindihan ng mambabasa ang pluralismo at ang kahalagahan ng dignidad ng tao sa Islam, dapat basahin sina Rumi, Ibn Arabi, Frithjof Schoun, John Hick, at Nurcholis Madjid.

Nagbigay ng inspirasyon sa paglalathala ng serye ng babasahing ito ang mga seryeng Isu-isu Kontemporer dalam Perspektif Al-Quran dan Hadis na inilathala ng Centre for Language and Culture sa Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University sa Jakarta at ng Konrad Adenauer Foundation sa Indonesia. Pinanatili ng kasalukuyang serye ang sampu hanggang pitumpong porsiyento ng nilalaman mula sa publikasyon, kung kaya hindi na kinakatawan nito ang pananaw ng mga awtor ng Indonesian edition.

Para sa kapakinabangan ng mga mambabasa, mahalagang banggitin na sina Abdullah Yusuf Ali at A.J. Arberry ang nagsagawa ng malaking bahagi ng pagsasalin ng Qur’anic verses na nakasulat sa babasahing ito.

Maraming tao ang nagtulong-tulong upang malathala ang babasahing ito. Sa inyong lahat, at sa Konrad Adenauer Foundation sa Malaysia, na kung wala ang kanilang suporta, hindi magkakaroon ng kaliwanagan ang proyekto, dapat kayong bigyan ng taos-pusong pasasalamat.

Al-Mustaqeem Mahmod Radhi

Executive Director

Middle-Eastern Graduate Centre

Filipina feminists have struggled for decades to be taken seriously. Does our President realize that his off-the-cuff remarks about women’s physical attributes detract from their accomplishments, particularly since they are high-ranking government officials? In the pre-Trump United States, such statements would have opened the door to sexual harassment lawsuits.

It is really unfortunate, since the President has a track record of support for women’s empowerment.

For instance, when he was Mayor, Davao City was one of the first to enact local legislation to protect women. In 1997, Davao passed City Ordinance 5004 or the Women Development Code of Davao City, contains a section called “Other Forms of Sexual Harassment” prohibited in the city. One of these is the “persistent telling of offensive jokes such as green jokes or other analogous statements to someone who finds them offensive or humiliating.”

So unfortunate, since his message for the International Women’s Day, extolled the “amazing ways” by which women have transformed societies, citing them as heroes. He pledged to support and recognize Filipinas’ “invaluable contributions in sports, science, governance, education, public service and the arts.” PRRD really has to be more circumspect with his language, now that he is President.

My mother, former Senator Santanina “Nina” T. Rasul, together with Senator Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, Jr., championed Mindanao interests and came to know the local government officials. However, mom also championed the rights of women. While she has lauded the election of a Mindanaoan to the highest public office, it pains her when the President throws one of his impromptu and often inappropriate remarks.

I have been very lucky to have served as chief of staff of Sen. Rasul during those heady days of democracy after the EDSA People Power, which forced strongman President Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. to leave the country. Surrounded by intellectual giants who converted the Senate sessions into enlightening debates in pursuit of legislation, we who worked for the Senate took pride in the achievements of our Senators.

In celebration of Women’s Day, I wish to pay tribute to the two roses of the Senate (1987-1992) — Nina Rasul and Leticia “Letty” Ramos-Shahani, who have inspired women from Tawi-Tawi to the Cordilleras, with their achievements as public servants and as private citizens.

Nina Rasul sponsored RA 9649, declaring March 8 of every year as National Women’s Day in the Philippines. She was elected senator and served for two consecutive terms; from 1987 to 1992 and from 1992 to 1995. As a senator for eight years, Rasul authored, co-authored, and/or sponsored important legislation concerning women’s rights, Muslim affairs, family, and gender equality. One of her landmark legislation was RA 7192 or the Women in Development and Nation-Building Act of 1995 that empowered women; allocated development funds for women’s initiatives; and opened the Philippine Military Academy to women. A peace champion, she was a member of the government panel during the peace talks with the Moro National Liberation Front that lead to a peace agreement that was signed in 1996.

Since I have written about my mom often, let me tell you more about Senator Letty Ramos-Shahani, our Manang Letty. I got to know her well after she and mom had left the Senate. Manang Letty is in many ways, like mom: a bulldog with her cause, methodical and systematic, patient and hardworking. Never stopped reading, analyzing, and learning. Once Manang Letty and mom committed to a priority bill, there was no way it would not pass. They would wear down the resistance of their fellow senators, thru logic and compromise. And the occasional nagging.

Manang Letty’s landmark laws include the “Shahani Law” (Republic Act 6725, Strengthening the Prohibition of Discrimination Against Women in the Workplace) which addresses gender discrimination at work; the Anti-Rape Law of 1997; and RA 8505 and the Rape Victim Assistance and Protection Act of 1998, among others. She also introduced the inclusion of the mandatory five percent allocation in the budget of every government department and agency for gender and development.

Manang Letty’s trail-blazing for women’s issues started from her days at the United Nations. Joining the UN in 1964, she is considered to be one of the top ranking women of the United Nations. She is the first co-author of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which was based on the working draft known as the Philippine-Soviet Draft. She served as chair of the UN Commission on The Status of Women in 1975; secretary general of both the Third UN World Conference on Women and Seventh Congress on Crime Prevention and Treatment of Offenders. She served as UN assistant secretary general for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs.

Two years ago, the House of Representatives and the Committee on Women and Gender Equality of the Philippines honored Senator Shahani for her valuable contributions in shaping the women’s global agenda and pioneering initiatives for the empowerment of women through a national resolution.

A diplomat and international civil servant, an advocate of women’s rights, champion of family planning and population management, a literature student turned legislator and now a farmer. Manang Letty, like mom, refuses to rest on her laurels, and continues to push against boundaries that impede women’s effective participation in society.

I am trying to imagine our President with Manang Letty and my Mom, two icons of Filipina empowerment. Walang takas.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The Cardinal sought clarification on the status of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), should the Legislative agenda prioritize the amendment of the Constitution. Will the BBL be passed before amending the Constitution? If you recall, Congress rejected the BBL on issues of constitutionality. Anti-BBL proponents maintained that certain provisions of the draft BBL were unconstitutional, including the creation of a parliamentary form of government in the Bangsamoro region. They proposed to either drop the unconstitutional portions of the BBL, or to amend the 1987 Philippine Constitution. The Mamasapano massacre nailed the coffin of the BBL: Congress rejected the proposal.

During the meetings, Atty. Christian Monsod, former Comelec chair and one of the framers of the 1987 Constitution, maintained that it may not be necessary to amend the Constitution in order to pass the BBL, that the spirit of the Constitution allowed for flexibility in its interpretation. Monsod and majority of the surviving framers of the 1987 Constitution had expressed full support for the BBL, arguing that the proposed Bangsamoro would not dismember the country.

In 2015, former President Benigno S. C. Aquino III called for the formation of a National Peace Council to look into the constitutionality and acceptability of the BBL. The Council, which included retired Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr., assured Congress that the draft BBL, while imperfect and needed refinement, was faithful to the Constitution. The former Chief Justice said then that “the BBL does not guide the interpretation of the Constitution; the Constitution guides the interpretation of the BBL,” a view shared by Monsod and 13 framers of the Constitution.

During both meetings between legislators and the Friends of Peace, assurances were given that autonomy for the Bangsamoro as well as the Cordilleras would be secured. However, the FoP worries that the volatile conflict situation on the ground will worsen, as there has been no movement to start work on a draft BBL. The expanded Bangsamoro Transition Commission has yet to begin. Congresswoman Sandra Sema of Maguindanao has already refiled the draft BBL however there is no counterpart yet in the Senate.

Cardinal Quevedo and the FoP believe that it would be wise and efficient if the efforts of the BTC and Congress could be more coordinated, that a common draft be processed. How this coordination will be effected is another matter, particularly since most of our legislators are more keen to work on federalism and leery of the political fall out of championing the BBL, post-Mamasapano.

Fr. Joel Tabora, SJ, voiced his worries about the radicalizing mood among the young Bangsamoro during the meeting with Senate President Pimentel, Senators Frank Drilon, Panfilo Lacson, Gregorio Honasan, and Vicente Sotto. Fr. Tabora and Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo (one of the advisers of the MILF peace panel) related their observations that the rejection of the BBL by the past Congress has kindled the anger and frustrations of both the younger commanders of the Moro liberation fronts as well as young Moro intellectuals. The seeming inaction by government on the passage of the BBL is adding fuel to the fire. This we cannot afford as the reach of violent extremism has expanded globally.

Will the situation deteriorate and exacerbate the armed conflicts between Muslim liberation fronts and the government, even as the world is grappling with the expansion of violent extremism from the US to Europe to Africa and Asia? The Philippines is particularly vulnerable to the lure of extremist groups, as the areas of armed conflict in Mindanao remain unsettled and therefore volatile. What can be done to secure the peace?

We have witnessed the rise of violent extremist groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) whose goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate over their territory, using violence as a tool against their enemies and against peoples of other faiths. Recall that the idea of an independent Islamic caliphate started in Southeast Asia — by radical Indonesian and Filipino Muslims who were part of the Jemaah Islammiyah (JI). Over the past few years, we have seen evidence of ties between the ISIS and with remnants of the JI, the Abu Sayyaf as well as new groups such as the Maute Gang. Can we afford to allow these groups to gain strength with our seeming inaction? This is a critical concern of the Friends of Peace.

The skewed worldview of Muslim extremists has been exported to the Muslim communities in conflict with their government worldwide, even in moderate South East Asia. Preachers who support violence in the name of Islam propagate this worldview. Identity politics of ethnic groups in conflict with state have become intertwined with their faith in communities that are under threat — like conflict-affected Muslim Mindanao.

Our government’s response towards the armed conflict with Muslim liberation fronts in Mindanao has ranged from a hardline military approach to political negotiations for peace to interfaith dialogue. After over 40 years of wars with the liberation fronts, government and other stakeholders have realized that military action alone does not work. However, our legislative branch of government remains skeptical. This is not unusual, since we have very few representatives in the legislative bodies who are from the areas of conflict and seem to be unable to convince their fellow legislators about the need to pass a law that will secure the promise of genuine autonomy made by government, agreed upon in peace pacts from the 1976 Tripoli Agreement between government and the MNLF to the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement for the Bangsamoro.

We in the Friends of Peace, together with peace advocates nationwide, will continue to plead with our legislators and national leaders to see the wisdom of providing the genuine autonomy promised by government over the past 40 years in signed peace agreements. Autonomy in lieu of a war for independence is a small price to pay for peace, security, and stability of the entire nation.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The perceived failure of autonomy and unabated dissatisfaction of the Moro over the unjust distribution of wealth and resources in the country have pushed a good number to pursue the lure of independence, at times linked to violent extremism.

In the past, national government has offered autonomy, thinking that this will end the armed conflict in Mindanao. However, the establishment of a dubious autonomy only strengthened the call for independence by disappointed MNLF Chair Misuari.

The Supreme Court’s issuance of a TRO on the signing of the MoA on Ancestral Domain (MoA-AD) in 2008 further derailed the peace process and reinforced the idea that the government was insincere in the implementation of autonomy for the Bangsamoro.

After ups and downs during the Arroyo administration, the Aquino administration pursued the peace process with a single-minded purpose until the ill-fated Mamasapano Massacre, designed to capture high-value terrorists that claimed the lives of 44 Special Armed Force troops and over a dozen civilians.

The Bangsamoro Basic Law, product of months of deliberations by the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC) and over 500 consultations, was collateral damage. Congress junked it, as many leaders were fearful of the adverse reactions of their voters. Cardinal Orlando Quevedo of Mindanao, Convenor of the Friends of Peace, had said at a media forum: “The Mamasapano tragedy sadly exposed the deeply entrenched biases and prejudices of the Filipino Christian majority. Sadder still is to learn that most of those who disapprove the BBL but know little or almost none about it are Catholics.”

As the victims’ families commemorated the anniversary of the Mamasapano Massacre last Wednesday, they and followers of President Duterte demanded a reopening of the investigations, dissatisfied with the findings. Will the investigations again derail the passage of a Bangsamoro Basic Law?

The BTC, expanded by President Duterte to include representatives of the MNLF, has been instructed to redraft the BBL. This time, it is being drafted at a time parallel to the President’s move to change our governmental system from the presidential structure to federalism. The question topmost in the minds of Bangsamoro leaders: what will happen to the constitutionally guaranteed autonomy?

Federalism is seen as a reasonable solution — short of independence but more substantive than autonomy — to the Mindanao conflict. If we transform into a federal system, we need to point out the importance of restructuring the form of government taking into consideration the identity, culture, and language of the Bangsamoro and Indigenous Peoples safeguarded by the Philippine Constitution. This concession was the political solution to decades of armed conflict.

The federal system of government is probably the most ideal option to address the demands to self-determination of the Bangsamoro, short of granting them independence. Federalism is a political arrangement, short of independence but better than the autonomy that Bangsamoro have now.

Last Tuesday, Swiss Ambassador Andrea Reichlin brought Dr. Nicole Toepperwien (Swiss federalist advisor) to Manila to share her findings from countries similarly faced with armed ethnic conflict. Dr. Toepperwien spoke at two important sessions: one hosted by Senate President Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel III for federalism advocates and, in the afternoon, a session organized by the Harvard Kennedy School Alumni at the Asian Institute of Management.

The discussions brought out several issues about the inequities of the present system. A key one: armed ethnic conflicts are fueled by a most powerful centrist organization, ineffective in implementing policy and ungenerous in providing access to political and economic power to minority groups. Can these conflicts can be prevented or mediated by restructuring of the state? Or will more effective official policies for redistribution of power and wealth, fair electoral laws and power sharing, acceptance of self-determination do the trick? Majority of the participants believed that the present system is not conducive to implementation of equitable and effective official policies for regions outside the so-called “Imperial Manila.”

Based on our experience over the last 40 years since the Tripoli Agreement, I agree. Today, with the problems brought about by the junking of the BBL and the spread of violent extremism, armed conflicts are again looming in Mindanao. And yet the government and the MILF have been successfully negotiating for over a decade now on what is essentially a mode for power sharing between the state and the Muslim minorities, something that had been accepted in principle when government signed the 1996 peace agreement with the MNLF. Many political leaders are looking at power sharing or devolution of power via federalism. In an asymmetrical federation, one or more federal states are vested with special powers not granted to other provinces, to allow for preservation of the culture and language of its settlers.

We need to distinguish between federalism and autonomy. In federations, regions participate actively in national institution and national policy making. On the other hand, in autonomy under our presidential system, we are given self-governance but we are really not participant in decision making at the national level. A federalist mode will now allow people in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao to also be participants in national decision making.

The failure of autonomy in Muslim Mindanao is not only due to the failures of the elected leaders of ARMM to govern but also to the failures of national government to support the needs of the regional government. The late Emy Boncodin, former Budget Secretary, published an assessment of the fiscal problems of ARMM. These issues that need to be considered include:

• The heavy dependence of ARMM on the National Government, principally through National Government appropriations to ARMM and IRA’s for the LGUs.
• The limited direct control of ARMM over the utilization of funds available to ARMM — in fact, LGUs have more funds under their control than the ARMM.
• ARMM is treated like any other government department in the budgetary process, and is thus subject to budgetary decisions by politicians and bureaucrats at the national level.
• ARMM has no real autonomy to decide, on its own, the level and allocation of funds for its politically distinct mandate has to “fight” for its funds like any other department, noting the budget is detailed and input-oriented with little flexibility, making it difficult for a region like ARMM which has to cope with the uncertainties of a “conflict environment.”

With the ARMM as the subject of a peace agreement, one could have expected a significant increase in funding, rather than incremental growth for rehabilitation of conflict areas and pump-priming activities necessary to spur growth. Hope is high that a shift from the present system to federalism will provide ARMM and other regions more political representation that can ensure a more equitable sharing of pie. Hope springs eternal.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The Moros of Mindanao had fought for generations to preserve their sovereign sultanates from the time of the Spanish colonization to the grant of an independent Republic of the Philippines by the American colonial powers. The Moro wars for independence simmered under the new Republic, with Hadji Butu, prime minister of the Sulu Sultanate, agreeing to be the first Muslim Senator of the Republic.

However, Moro leaders never let go of the dream of independence, never forgetting the illegal annexation of their sovereign sultanates by a government which then marginalized and neglected their communities. The war for independence broke anew with the imposition of Martial Law, when Moro separatists and the Communist threat were declared as the two reasons for the imposition of Martial Rule. The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), under Nur Misuari, was born to lead the war for independence.

Conceding that war is a no-win situation, both MNLF and government agreed to find a peaceful political solution.

Since the 1976 Tripoli Peace Agreement, autonomy has been the preferred and only option available.

Unfortunately, the autonomy finally implemented was not the genuine autonomy agreed upon under the 1976 agreement. The MNLF splintered in two, with leaders of Central Mindanao organizing the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) under the late Ustadz Salamat Hashim. Misuari’s MNLF went back to the mountains. After the Marcos years, the peace process was revitalized.

Under the late former President Corazon C. Aquino, autonomy for our ethnic communities — in the Cordilleras and in the Muslim South — was enshrined in the 1987 Constitution.

Subsequent peace agreements with the Moro National Liberation Front (1996 Final Peace Agreement under former President Fidel V. Ramos) and later the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (as fleshed out in the rejected Bangsamoro Basic Law) sought to strengthen the implementation of genuine autonomy, as provided for in the Constitution.

However, autonomy was weak — never as strong as that granted in 1976. Congress reduced the powers of the autonomous government. It rejected the Bangsamoro Basic Law, the end product of almost two decades of negotiations with the MILF.

The frustration and anger of armed groups, now enamored with the concept of a global Islamic Caliphate or State, grew with what they saw as double-dealing by a Christian government. To them, government was one. They did not recognize the balance of power among the three branches of government — the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judiciary. They only saw the dysfunctional nature of the present political system and governance mechanisms and blamed government, attributing the rejection of the BBL to a Christian majority out to repudiate the aspirations of the minority Muslim community, long marginalized and neglected. These groups, who have expressed allegiance to the ISIS, have started their campaign of terror here in the Philippines, blaming the leaders of the MNLF and the MILF for allowing themselves to be duped by a government that will never do justice to the Moro.

What can we do, to preserve peace, stability and emerging unity amongst the peoples of the Philippines? Particularly today, as the world seems to be veering away from the concept of a global village to that of fortresses against “The Other.”

Now comes President Rodrigo Roa Duterte of Mindanao and his siren call of federalism.

Federalism, espoused since the ’70s by Mindanao leaders led by then Mayor Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, Jr., has been gaining ground as a “lasting solution to separatism” and as a final option in dealing with Filipino diversity.

Elected Senator and later Senate President, Manong Nene continued to advocate federalism to end the unequal distribution of wealth and power by the national government. Under the Pimentel proposed federal constitution, there will be a shift in the structure of government from the unitary system to a federal system and from a presidential type to a parliamentary form of government. There will be consolidation of the local governments units (LGUs) in the existing 16 administrative regions, Metro Manila, and the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) into 11 states. The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao will be set up as a Bangsamoro State. There can be autonomous regions set up within the Bangsamoro State.

Is federalism the answer?

On Dec. 15, the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy and the Institute for Autonomy and Governance organized a forum on Federalism, Autonomy, and Mindanao Peace Process at Club Filipino. We gathered leaders of the Bangsamoro diaspora, a potent sector never consulted by government as a group, regarding the present call of the government to shift to federalism.

The keynote speaker, Former Senate President Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. stressed the need to break the hold of the central government (Imperial Manila) on powers, despite devolution and the Local Government Code.

The panel included DFA Undersecretary for International Economic Affairs Manuel Teehankee, Atty. Raul Lambino, and Atty. Naguib Sinarimbo. Usec Teehankee focused his discussion on the fiscal and economic benefits of federalism. Atty. Lambino, who has been organizing forums on federalism for the past four months, provided additional insights into the distribution of powers that will benefit the regions under federalism. Atty. Sinarimbo, who has been a part of the MILF negotiating panel for many years, detailed the powers needed for genuine autonomy to be implemented and how autonomy fits into a federalist system.

The panel were in agreement on a major point: under the present unitary system, the control of powers and resources — inspite of the Constitution and devolution — have alienated the Bangsamoro people and other indigenous cultural communities. They acknowledged the neglect and discrimination suffered by indigenous peoples.

Former Senate President Nene Pimentel proposed 12 federal states — five in Luzon (one for the indigenous peoples of the Cordilleras), four in Visayas, and three in Mindanao (including the Bangsamoro State, which could have regions of autonomy).

The proponents also argued that the present ineffective and irresponsive system and the weakness of the rule of law have allowed political warlords, and corrupt politicians and dynasties to exist prosper.

Will federalism result in a more effective, equitable and responsive system? Most of the participants, after discussions with the panel, believed it would. In a quick survey held at the forum, 76% (48 out of 63 Muslim leaders) expressed their support for federalism.

Will federalism end the aspirations for independence of frustrated and angry armed groups in the South? Or, like the grant of autonomy by Congress, will it end up as a piece of legislation that will paper over differences? We need a well-designed home with a strong foundation to hold all our peoples together, not a house of cards. That political architecture can only be designed if our peoples are part of the drafting. As the forum participants opined, we need a Constitutional Convention.

I myself support the core arguments for federalism. However, I do believe that we need to have more engaged discussions — not just mass forums that do little to elicit serious thought about what it takes to move from the present political system to another. I echo the comments of many of the leaders present at the forum: majority of our people, from Tawi-Tawi to the Ilocos, who say they support federalism see it as a miraculous system that will immediately change our situation. We need more engagement. I repeat the query at the federalism forum of the UP School of Economics: if federalism is the answer, what is the question?

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

Former Senate President Drilon was recognized for his “invaluable role in enhancing our economic relations by, among others, supporting the ratification of the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA) — which was signed by both governments in September 2006 and entered into force in December 2008” which have contributed to Japan’s status as one of the largest trade and investment partners of the Philippines today.

Senator Drilon was also recognized for nurturing the Philippines-Japan Parliamentarians Association (PJPA) since 1999. AS PJPA president, he “contributed significantly to deepening the friendship between the PJPA and its counterpart, the Japan-Philippines Parliamentarians Friendship League (JPPFL).”

Cesar Virata, respectfully and affectionately called “PM” (Prime Minister) by his former staff and colleagues, received the award for his contributions to the “reinforcement of economic relations between Japan and the Philippines through the ratification of the Philippines-Japan Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation and the promotion of the Philippines-Japan Tax Treaty.” Furthermore, he has forged Japan’s assistance towards the Philippines thereby deepening the cooperative bilateral relations between both countries. The Chairperson of the Advisory Committee of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) Philippines Office for more than ten years, he has provided guidance in Japan’s policy and implementation.

My husband Romy and I had the privilege to be present during the conferment ceremony to former Prime Minister and Finance Secretary Cesar Virata last Nov. 24 at the Residence of the Japanese Ambassador Kazuhide Ishikawa.

PM’s acceptance speech encapsulated decades of dedication to improving the country’s economic structures during the Marcos Administration. Typical of PM, his talk was succinct and substantive, refreshing the memories of those of us who had worked for and with him. I could see former Finance Undersecretaries Victor Macalincag and Ernest Leung (who also served as Finance Secretary during the Ramos Presidency) nodding their heads, reminiscing in rapt attention.

My first job after graduating from the UP School of Economics was as researcher in the Planning Service of the Department of Finance. Vic Macalincag was the head of the Planning Service, at that time a small group with about a dozen staff. Vic, Rey Palmiery (much later a Director of the SSS), and Nitz Amatong (who later served as Monetary Board member) were my bosses. I have never worked for a more dedicated and knowledgeable group. Unfortunately, I realized early on that fiscal matters were not my cup of tea so I resigned after rendering my best contribution to the DoF — I introduced Romeo Bernardo to my bosses. (Romy served in the DoF over two decades, retiring as Undersecretary). I moved to development work.

The short time I had spent with the DoF gave me the opportunity to experience for myself the difficulties faced by taxmen who saw the need to support programs for economic development but were hindered by legislators. As PM recalled in his speech, the budget for 1970-1971 was only four billion pesos (3 billion for salaries and maintenance, and 1 billion for capital expenditures such as school buildings, rural roads, and irrigation. With a population of 36,000,000, per capita budget allocation was P110). PM said: “I also had to tackle the problem of low tax collection due to Congress’ resistance to passing unpopular tax measures.” Same problem today but with three times the population (now over a hundred million).

When President Marcos offered Cesar Virata the position of Secretary of Finance, PM (then Chair of the Board of Investments) said that he was “good at giving tax exemptions but not at collecting taxes.” PM was appointed anyway, serving for sixteen years when the average tenure of a Finance Secretary around the world was 2-3 years.

PM, an engineer with an MBA from Wharton, could have struck it rich in the private sector. However, he chose public service — first teaching at the University of the Philippines College of Business Administration (responsible for the creation of the UP School of Economics) then on to the Board of Investments and the Philippine National Bank.

Why would he choose public service? Let me share PM’s musing: “The end of the 2nd world war also saw the end of colonization. New nations were formed — independent but still burdened by economic structures, which made them heavily dependent on ‘Mother Country’ trading patterns. Economic restructuring, the formation of new groupings, the negotiations for international generalized preferences for developing countries, and the appeal for development assistance of 0.7% of GNP, brought about and new and aspiring development plans. These plans called for assistance in terms of soft loans, ODAs, and investments thus requiring both bilateral and multinational analyses.”

The challenge of serving his country in this most challenging role must have attracted both the engineer and the economist in Cesar Virata. As he said: “These interactions became primarily the mission and work of the Ministers of Finance of developing countries and their counterparts in either the Ministry of Finance or Foreign Affairs in developed countries.”

I can think of no other leader more deserving of the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun.

Why do we who have had the privilege of working for and with Cesar Virata believe in him and admire him so much? I can only speak for myself. After my brief stint at the DoF, I continued to have interaction with PM since Romy became a trusted member of his staff. Thus, I had a ringside seat when PM dealt with crisis after crisis, particularly during those days when the Philippines situation under the late strongman Marcos deteriorated. I remember the financial crisis that hit the Philippines like typhoon Yolanda and the many meetings that PM and the late Central Bank Governor Jose “Jobo” Fernandez.

Why didn’t they resign, as the political turmoil reached fever pitch? PM must have known that he would face the ire and negative judgment of those who were not in the know.

Simply put, PM was — still is — a patriot who believed that the welfare of millions of Filipinos had to take the priority over any personal considerations. So did Jobo Fernandez. They worked until their last days in office, shoring up the economic foundation of the country. Removing Marcos from office may have seemed imminent but protecting the country’s economic structures had to be done so that the incoming government would not inherit a hole-ridden basket case. PM bore it all stoically.

PM being PM said that whatever he may have accomplished could not have been done without the support of his colleagues, that the award he had to share with them.

Today, according to PM, “the Philippines continues to face problems in meeting the needs of its people. The lack of infrastructure has reduced our productivity and competitiveness. Needless to say corruption and the lack of unity in defining national interests because of conflicting self interests have also added to our difficulties.”

May we be lucky enough to find another Cesar Virata in these turbulent times.

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

The lecture started with an opening message from Atty. Salma Rasul, PCID Executive Director. It was then followed by a lecture on “The Meditation of Mary” by Sister Mary John Manazan. The lecrure’s gist is to give a modern perspective on the different phases of the bible. It was then followed by Pastor Carlos Dino’s “Mary: Hail of All Women.” His lecture centered on the main difference between Muslim and Christian teaching, in particular, the Christian faith apart from all the other faiths, and it centers around how we understand who Jesus, the son of Mary is. In addition, the lecture highlights the commonality of both religions in terms of Mary’s family lineage, The Announcement of Mary to Babel, and Mary as the “Chosen Among Women.” The third perspective came from Prof. Moner Bajunaid on Islam’s take on Mary. In his lecture, he emphasized that Islam puts emphasis on Mary, as equally, or even highly as the Christians. In the Quran, there is without a doubt no woman that is given more attention than Maryam. She is mentioned 34 times in the Quran and there is an entire chapter dedicated to her and her history, Chapter 19 entitled Maryam.

I was studying in the University of the Philippines when Jolo was bombed by the military to reclaim the town from the Moro National Liberation Front that had, in a show of force, occupied it days before. There was no news about Jolo in the newspapers, radio, or television. Government controlled the media. We only found out from relatives abroad that called, panicked about the situation of family members.

Jolo has never recovered.

With the bombing of Jolo and other communities, we in Muslim Mindanao suffered a triple whammy — loss of infrastructure, capital flight and brain drain.

According to some media reports, over 100,000 of our men were killed in military operations in one decade. Overnight, our prosperous community became a basket case. We may not have been one of the richest towns of the Philippines, but we were a major exporter of abaca and seaweeds, we had barter trade with Sabah, we benefitted from working utilities — telephone system that linked us with world, electricity, and water. Our people respected law and order and the civilian government, obeyed the decisions of the court.

Today, Jolo — like the rest of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao — is a basket case.

After more than four decades, the effects of the triple whammy that impoverished us as a direct result of Martial Law have turned us into an inferno of armed conflict, extremism, and poverty. Paradise lost. We were up, now we are down.

Former President Ferdinand E. Marcos, Sr., architect of Martial Law, who sought to rule us indefinitely in order to bring back discipline, law, and order (remember the government slogan “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan”), was finally removed from office in 1986. People rallied together and forced the Marcoses out of Malacañang to take refuge in Hawaii. They who were up, crashed down for the count.

Well, they are up again. I must admire the Marcoses’ determination. The late former President Corazon C. Aquino allowed them to return from exile but without the body of Marcos, Sr. Since their return from exile, they reclaimed their political home bases in Ilocos Norte and Leyte. Madame Imelda Marcos and eldest daughter Imee have repeatedly won their elections. Only son Bongbong Marcos became governor of Ilocos Norte and then senator. He lost the vice-presidential elections by a small margin and is contesting it. They never gave up.

They moved heaven and earth to bring back the late strongman’s body. A deal struck during the administration of President Fidel V. Ramos allowed the Marcoses to bury their patriarch’s body in his home province on Sept. 7, 1993. But their dream was to see him buried at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani, the resting place of heroic soldiers and former Presidents. The burial of the former President at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani had been opposed by families of Martial Law victims who had been killed, tortured, human rights, and democracy advocates for decades.

The Marcos family finally succeeded. Staunch supporters of the candidacy of President Rodrigo R. Duterte, their wish have been fulfilled. President Duterte allowed the burial at the Libingan. Oppositors brought their case to the Supreme Court, which decided that the burial broke no law.

The late dictator’s body was interred at the Heroes’ Cemetery after being flown from Ilocos Norte on Nov. 18.

Contrary to the statement of the Philippine National Police Chief Director General Ronald dela Rosa that the burial, per request of the family, would be “simple and private,” Marcos was buried with full honors. Stealthily and hurriedly, but with full honors.

Former President Ramos, a decorated war hero, stated last Monday that he “felt very bad especially for the veterans.” Angered by the possible collusion between officials and the Marcoses, he stated: “Those military, police and other uniformed personnel involved must be investigated and if necessary booted out of the service because they were disloyal to the service for failing to inform their immediate commanding officers.”

My children, who grew up in a post-Martial Law environment, are all human rights advocates and democrats. They trooped to the People Power Monument, with their fellow millennials, to protest. They felt that the burial was a bad move on the part of government, a decision that would divide our nation further. My mother, former Senator Santanina Rasul, however feels that we allow the dead to rest in peace. At 86, she — who has suffered so much due to Martial Law — has forgiven and says that we should also remember that Marcos is a former President and soldier who, according to law, can be buried in the Heroes Cemetery.

My family is divided. Although we all agree that we should forgive, many of us also believe that justice is due to the victims of torture and imprisonment, of the military operations that “hamletted” Muslim Mindanao and converted our homeland into the living hell that it is now. We believe that the burial of the late Marcos, surreptitiously done, will not allow the dead to rest in peace but will be the trigger for continuing turmoil among the living who have been victimized by Martial Law.

The nation, like my family, will be divided. How this division will affect our country and the administration of President Duterte, only time will tell. Meanwhile, I see in my mind’s eye the haunting picture of the staircase of our home in Jolo and wonder. Are we climbing up? Or down?

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.

That night, it was my turn to be agitated, pressured by Mini’s concerns and a rush of memories about the Martial Law days: curfews, bombings and hamletting of Muslim communities, fear of the military, friends disappearing forever or going to the hills, the demise of democracy. Slogans came back to me, such as “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan.”

I had to give a talk to the board of the University of the Philippines Alumni Association the next day. The UPAA board is initiating the search for the 2017 distinguished alumni.

I had intended to deliver a funny speech.

One of my favorite American stand-up comedians, George Carlin, once said: “Never underestimate the power of stupid people in large groups.” We UP students are educated to question the status quo and not become part of an unthinking horde. Troublemakers we are. By troublemakers, I mean people are not afraid to rock the boat for the good of all. But I changed my mind and prepared a more serious one, a reflection on the events of the last 2 months and the commemoration of the imposition of Martial Law today. Let me share my reflections.

President Rodrigo R. Duterte (PRRD), an unconventional political leader who minces no words as he focuses on fulfilling his promise to eradicate the plague that is drug trafficking, has upset our comfortable world. However, an overwhelming majority of Filipinos support his actions.

On human rights, PRRD believes that the rights of peaceful law-abiding citizens trump the rights of criminals, particularly drug pushers and rapists. The Universal Declaration on Human Rights, however, states that all individuals (even criminals) have inalienable rights.

However, most of my fellow Muslims in Mindanao agree with PRRD. In our conflict-affected communities, justice has failed and “rido” is the recourse. Rido or clan wars happen to right a wrong done to a member of the clan. In Muslim Mindanao, rido has spiraled out of control.

Meanwhile, the United States government, the United Nations, and the European Union have weighed in to condemn the upsurge of extra-judicial killings in the Philippines. PRRD has criticized the leaders of these powerful institutions, with his favorite cuss words. Again, majority of Filipinos support him, seeing a David fighting Goliaths.

In the Senate, Senator Leila de Lima was ousted as chair of the Justice Committee. She claims that this is a political move to stop her expose linking the President with the so-called Davao Death Squad that, according to the news, has killed over 1,400 from 1998 to the 2015 and is now seemingly replicated on a national level. In Congress, jailed drug lord Herbert Colangco and other inmates testified about the alleged drug trade in the New Bilibid Prison. Colangco implicated then Justice Secretary de Lima in payoffs to allow him and other high profile inmates to lead a luxurious life and continue to conduct their nefarious businesses.

Former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, an ally of PRRD, is free after the Supreme Court dismissed the plunder charges against her last July. Elected Congresswoman while incarcerated, she went straight from detention to become Deputy Speaker. Recently, the Sandigan Bayan cleared her of the graft charges associated with the NBN-ZTE scandal. Who is in jail? The whistle-blower Jun Lozada.

On another front, Martial Law victims and human rights activists are protesting the burial of former President Marcos in the Libingan ng mga Bayani, which PRRD will allow. The Official Gazette of the Office of the President carried a piece on Marcos’s birthday (Sept. 11), which was lambasted by netizens who derisively called it the “Superficial Gazette.” The Gazette was accused of historical revisionism for saying that Marcos stepped down to avoid bloodshed instead of being ousted by People Power. The statement has since been removed.

In only 2 months, several of the key actions of former President Benigno Simeon Aquino III, particularly on corruption, have been overturned. What’s going on?

On the other hand, there are a lot of claims that the allegations against PRRD are part of a plot to remove him from office and install Vice-President Leni Robredo to ensure the return to power of the Liberal Party. (The Truly Honorable Leni debunked the possibility). There are rumors that the United States may be involved, concerned about PRRD’s anti-American and pro-Chinese statements. Some say that we are in the midst of a struggle between superpowers.

What is going on?

Now, more than ever, is the time for thoughtful men and women to intervene and give their two centavos worth.

I am glad that the UP Diliman University Council came out with a statement of discerning men and women, stressing the role of UP “as the public critic of any administration, voicing its support or opposition when necessary in pursuit of peace, justice, democracy, and prosperity for all Filipinos.” In other words, enlightened troublemakers of the best kind.

The Council expressed “grave concern over certain policies and practices adopted by President Rodrigo Duterte and his administration, particularly with regard to his war on drugs, human rights, and his peace and order strategies.”

But it also lauded key initiatives deserving of the public’s support, to include his pro-poor policy statements, his promise to put Filipino interests first in our foreign relations, his moves to resume peace talks and to grant amnesty to political prisoners, his prioritizing of health and education, his plans for more development outside of Manila and its environs, and his call for government officials to practice simple living. (I am a Bangsamoro of Mindanao, and — together with majority of Mindanaoans — am thankful that finally we will get our fair share of attention and support.)

As the UPAA selects the University’s distinguished alumni, the needs of our community — for peace and stability, escape from poverty, human security, personal liberties, good governance, an accountable government — are bannered every day by media. These are constant reminders that we, Iskolar ng Bayan, are responsible to lend a hand and help shape a better world that we all want to live in, that we want our children to live in. The Philippines and the world need thoughtful men and women to lend a hand and ensure that our world is not only stable but will enjoy the civil liberties, freedom, and equality that we have all fought for. UP has always cultivated this kind of men and women, developing in us a sense of social responsibility even as it honed our minds for academic excellence.

Abraham Lincoln once said: “The best way to predict your future is to create it.” Gandhi echoed that with his famous quote, “Be the change that you wish to see in the world.”

This year, I am sure that the UPAA will search high and low for our fellow alumni who have rocked the boat, broken the mold, crashed thru the glass ceiling, lit a candle in the dark in order to change the world for the good of all.

Our nation needs inspiration. Our country requires our vigilance. Our government needs our participation and support. May the 2017 distinguished alumni be all troublemakers, in the best UP Tradition!

Amina Rasul is a democracy, peace and human rights advocate, president of the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy.